a deep morass, overgrown with alder-bushes. The rest of the future city was in scrub-oak and ragged shrubs or swamps. Writing to her daughter, Mrs Adams-the 'First Lady of the Land' to queen it in this 'capital'— describes 'a city which is only so in name,' with a hut here and there 'in the Forest, through which you travel miles without seeing a human being.' A month later Gouverneur Morris writes in lighter vein: We want nothing here but houses, cellars, kitchens, well-informed men, amiable women, and other trifles of that kind to make our city perfect.' Both Chambers met here in great discomfort on Nov. 17, 1800; and the President's first act was to build a shelter over the firewood of his perishing legislators.

I have hinted at General Washington's concept of splendid state. His enemies accused the hero of leanings to 'Monarchy.' As early as 1787, Jefferson's Assembly of Gods,' sitting behind closed and guarded doors in Philadelphia, were supposed to have a 'King of America' in mind, with a Crown to be offered to Washington himself! Patrick Henry of Virginia foresaw a standing Army to execute the commands of Tyranny.' Their new Constitution, the ex-storekeeper went on, might have beautiful features: But when I come to view them, Sir, I perceive a squint towards Monarchy'! For this deformity the First President had to pay in the general uproar. Even his 'Vice-John Adams, First Minister to the Court of St James-fell under suspicion as another 'aristocrat.' Had he not laid stress on the term 'well-born'? He leaned to the nobility'; he was 'full of small attentions.' In a word, Mr Adams displayed the unwelcome ensigns of a gentleman. All was confusion and doubt; so that the boss of the Federalist Party-and America's first campaign-manager—Alexander Hamilton, could write in contempt: 'I am still labouring to prop the frail and worthless Fabrick.' No wonder General Washington hesitated to accept the Presidency!

Unmeasured abuse was his portion. He was openly called a 'traitor,' and accused of such blunders as might have disgraced a soldier of three months' standing.' Even Jefferson was dismayed at the 'political errors' of his Chief. Tom Paine's remarks are too brutal to quote.

Mr Bache objected to those 'stately journeyings through the Continent in search of personal incense.' And the poet Freneau used goadings that worked the harassed Washington into frenzy. Before me lies a Cabinet Minute in which Freneau's charges are discussed. And Jefferson notes: The Presdt was much inflamed. Got into one of those passions when he cannot command himself. Ran on much on the personal abuse bestowed on him.'

This is clearly not the hero of America's school-books, nor yet the demi-god of that Scottish divine, the Rev. M. L. Wemyss, who in the year following the Founder's death wrote that preposterous biography which American historians have since been demolishing ('cherry-tree and all!) as that of an egregious prig. More human portrayals show President Washington as a cautious mediocrity, strongly pitted with small-pox, with his face in later years pulled into a stiff expansive grin, due to a set of ill-fitting false teeth. Worse still, the exuberant 'Wets,' in a recent skirmish over the Volstead Law, dug up early 'Palace' accounts showing Falstaffian feasts of George Washington in which figure: 'Cake-17.; Beer and Wine-557.' !

But Washington's 'Palace' and State coaches gave place in time to exuberant extremes of democratisation. Thus when 'Old Hickory' Jackson opened the White House doors to his admirers, a tumultuous mob swarmed in and wrecked the great East Room, hacking up the carpets for souvenirs, carrying statues off bodily, and trampling Mr President's hospitable cheeses into a greasy pulp on the floors. With Grover Cleveland (1885-89) began a more 'exclusive' era of the Executive Mansion. Mr and Mrs Roosevelt handled the problem firmly; for often 200 uninvited guests would appear at a supperparty, forcing a hungry President to raid his wife's larder in the small hours for bread and cheese and olives. The austere Wilson continued a process which the genial Taft had neglected, and which under Warren Harding again showed signs of falling slack. Three assassinations --Lincoln, Garfield and McKinley-made the use of Secret Service men imperative. And to-day it is easier to gain access to the King-Emperor than to get even two minutes with the President of the United States.

I will now pass the earlier Executives in review, so

as to arrive at the White House routine of to-day, and a round of petty duties which were well enough in Lincoln's time, but are now absurd as falling to the Ruler of 120,000,000 people, with imperial responsibilities at home and overseas.

James Madison's reign (1809-17) is especially interesting, for in 1814 he watched the stone mansion burning, with British troops in possession of the city, and no army worthy of the name to resist them. Asked by the President for aid, the Governor of Pennsylvania sent his own militia after the capture of Washington! The autocrat of Virginia's men arrived without any flints for their muskets, and so could only parade. Maryland's quota came in great haste after the enemy landed; and President Madison, with his Foreign Minister, James Monroe, reviewed a motley Army' of 5400 volunteers. Four miles from the White House occurred in 1814-for 'fought' is hardly the word-the Battle of Bladensburg. With eight killed and nineteen wounded the Americans fled, leaving the enemy to do as he pleased with the Federal capital. 'Mr President,' remarked the Secretary of State, let us go. This is a matter for military men.' Meanwhile, before the Parliament and the White House were set on fire, Mrs Madison hurried in to wrap up the original copy of the Declaration of Independence. And with this she escaped across the river into Virginia.

Up to James Buchanan's time (1856-60) America's record is one of steady territorial expansion, either by purchase or by conquest. Millard Filmore opened up Japan by naval threats. Then we come to the tragic Abraham Lincoln, who stands out among them all as the one heroic figure, praying-not indeed for favours, but for that Fortitude which the serene old Greeks asked of their pantheon of gods. Under Lincoln (1860-65) the White House could not be styled 'palatial.' One day he invited an old farmer friend to dinner, and the guest nearly choked himself with a chicken-bone. No 'nice tourney rules' were here observed. With a gasping to-do the victim tore that bone out of his gullet and hurled it in triumph across the table, where it hit young Tad Lincoln in the face. All the apology he got was: 'Good job t'warn't a leg!'

No outsider can ever hope to grasp the vast complex of publicity and uproar that lands a 'safe' man in the White House. Certain it is that that humble citizen-the 'divine average' of Walt Whitman-has little enough to do with this event. In 1924 more than one-third of America's qualified electors did not vote for Calvin Coolidge. McKinley's election cost $6,000,000; and, first and last, the 'say-so' lies with the colossal money-power which is commonly expressed as 'Wall Street.' Rarely, indeed, is a man of strong character chosen-though the accident of succession' has installed as Executive a strong-willed person like Theodore Roosevelt. General Garfield used to lament to Chauncey Depew that a sense of humour was wholly out of place in a President of the United States. 'Our people love to hear a humorist,' Garfield explained, 'but they won't vote for him; for they regard such a man as unfitted for the heaviest responsibility of all.' . . . 'So I cut all that stuff out,' the excarpenter mused sadly. To-day I can't appreciate a funny story, nor even see the point of one!'

Abe Lincoln was a conspicuous exception to this rule. He had an amazing fund of yarns and used them to get rid of White House bores, who imagined the President was deep in State affairs with his Ministers. Stranger still, Lincoln's stories were rarely or never of the 'drawing-room' variety, but inclined to Rabelaisian grossness. That simple, patient soul-'the White House baboon' and 'damned mountebank' of his ferocious enemies-had no supernatural religion; but his mordant wit could confound an adversary and turn any ambush to his own credit.

Once he was warned not to attend a revivalist meeting in a hostile town. Yet go he did; and Preacher Cartwright resolved to expose him then and there. 'All who don't wish to go to hell will stand!' the congregation was bidden loudly. Every aspiring soul stood up— except Mr Lincoln. 'We have all indicated,' the reverend politico intoned-now cocksure of his prey-' that our destination is Above. All-but one of us! And may I ask you, Mr Lincoln, where you are going?' The whimsical giant had taken up his hat to leave. I guess I'm going to Congress!' the lost one drawled. That revival broke up with unseemly hilarity, while Brother Cartwright vanished from the scene.

6

Andrew Johnson (1865-69), who followed Lincoln, was the only occupant of the White House who has been impeached by Congress for high crimes and misdemeanours'; he escaped by one vote. But from Madison in 1812 to Wilson in 1918, we find the Capitol and the White House often in conflict over constitutional powers which are very jealously regarded.

After its destruction in the War of 1812, the Executive Mansion was rebuilt as a two-storied villa residence, 170 feet long and 86 feet deep, painted white to continue the tradition. Gradually great halls of State arose to house administrative Departments; but the Presidential abode was merely tinkered with inside, first by Hoban and then by McKim, who built the Executive offices apart from the house itself. The original grant of 5000Z. a year to George Washington sufficed for eighty-four years; but on the re-election of General Grant (1868–76), who was a poor man, the salary was doubled. Grant's seven successors were all paid 10,0007, and the final 50007. was added during Roosevelt's second term. In addition, the White House is maintained at State expense: household salaries, garages, fuel, annual coat of paint, lighting, stationery, telegraphs and telephones, conservatory, and so on. Travelling and other incidental expenses are likewise met by Congress, bringing the total to about 50,000l. a year. The President must pay for his own entertaining.

Among the more formal ceremonies, I may mention dinners to the Diplomatic Corps, the Cabinet and Supreme Court. Also a series of receptions in which the élite of Washington society are invited to meet the Ambassadors, the Judiciary, the Army and Navy, and Members of Congress. Beyond these there are occasional banquets to distinguished visitors, and private affairs of all sorts, including children's parties. A State invitation looms as a palace 'command,' and must be obeyed accordingly. The first child born in the White House was James Madison Randolph, a grandson of Thomas Jefferson. In simpler times 'Dolly' Madison did her own washing, and hung the linen out to dry in the East Room, which extends the full depth of the mansion. There have been several White House weddings, notably that of Nellie Grant; here,