conducted at U.N. headquarters. Our members from all parts of the United States attend these institutes for the purpose of securing firsthand information from those who are responsible for the conduct of U.N. affairs. As a result of these frequent reevaluations, we have come to the following conclusions:

(1) The United Nations has successfully contributed to maintaining world peace through its mediation in international disputes. (2) The United Nations has successfully contributed to international welfare through the achievements of its specialized agencies and its technical assistance program.

(3) The United Nations has in the past and does now serve the national interests of the United States and should be used as a valuable instrument in the promotion of our foreign policy.

I will not at this time attempt to substantiate these statements by going over the record. The record has been very ably presented by more expert voices than ours.

It is our firm conviction, however, that the United States must maintain active leadership in the organization and that by expressing our confidence in the U.N. at the present time, we can encourage other nations to do likewise,

We believe it is imperative that the United Nations be assisted in its present financial crisis, in the most expedient and practical manner possible, so that it may carry on its peacekeeping operations and gain enough time to develop a sound, effective system of permanent financing.

After careful consideration of the various proposals made to meet this crisis, we have come to the conclusion that the proposed bond issue is the most realistic and practical solution to the problem.

The response to date by the other members of the U.N. has been heartening and indicates that the bond issue will stimulate a feeling of collective responsibility among the various nations.

We would fear that a disavowal of this method by the United States might be equated in the minds of our friends and of the unalined nations to a disavowal of the Organization itself.

Substitution of a unilateral method of relief would destroy the sense of responsibility already expressed by the 43 nations which have made commitments to participate in the bond issue.

In conclusion I should like to read a recent statement by the executive committee of the National Council of Jewish Women:

The need for legislation to permit the United States to subscribe to the United Nations bond issue offers an opportunity for the American people to reiterate their support for the United Nations. Today, when the United Nations is under fire from the Communist countries and when the task of keeping the peace is constantly becoming more difficult, the United Nations needs the full backing of the free world. The United States can indeed be proud of the leadership we have taken to strengthen the ability of the United Nations to keep the peace and enable the emerging nations to develop in freedom.

The National Council of Jewish Women urges the House of Representatives to reiterate its support of the United Nations by authorizing the purchase by the United States of $100 million of United Nations bonds.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Chairman MORGAN. Thank you, Mrs. Brown.

Mrs. Brown, referring to this statement you have read to us, was this taken up by the executive committee?

Mrs. BROWN. The executive committee is voicing the results of national policies which are in our national resolutions which are voted by our delegates biennially.

Chairman MORGAN. Then you think most of your delegates support the bond issue?

Mrs. BROWN. The majority.

Chairman MORGAN. Have you used a poll to poll your members?

Mrs. BROWN. We haven't had an individual membership poll. However, in February of this year we had a meeting of our members from all over the United States here in Washington and during this meeting our national committee on public affairs met to study and discuss the proposed U.N. bond issue. They endorsed the measure and authorized strong support for it. The participants in the meeting urged support for it in visits with their Representatives and Senators. Chairman MORGAN. The previous witness, Mrs. Bell, testified_she has a membership of 150,000. You testify that you have a membership of 123,000. As far as my district is concerned, I do not recall receiving any mail in support of this bill.

Do you ask your membership to write to the individual Members of Congress in support of your position?

Mrs. BROWN. We do on various issues. We call them "call to actions."

Chairman MORGAN. Have you had a "call to action" on the bond issue?

Mrs. BROWN. It seems to me we have. We did during the Senate hearings and subsequently.

Chairman MORGAN. Have you had any information as to the response to your "call to action"?

Mrs. BROWN. From past experience our members have responded well to "call to actions."

Chairman MORGAN. What I am trying to make clear, Mrs. Brown, is this: I feel the organizations that are supporting the bond issue have not been successful, because my conversations with individual members indicate that their mail in support of this bond issue is not what they expected it to be.

I feel, especially on the House side, that those of us who support this bond issue are going to need all the help we can get from organizations like your own that support this bond issue.

Mrs. BROWN. We plan to send another "call to action" right now. Chairman MORGAN. Thank you, Mrs. Brown.

Dr. Judd.

Mr. JUDD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

It is good to have you here, Mrs. Brown, and your clear and objective statement. That is in accord with my experience with your organization.

I would merely like, in line with what the chairman has said, to add that while you apparently put out a productive "call to action" during the Senate hearings, it didn't get your members to flood us in the House with mail and so on; because it hasn't come, at least to my office.

It may merely be that the people in opposition are even better organized. Many of their letters are the regimented kind; they all say the same thing and are not influential. But there is also a large number of letters from thoughtful people, opposing the U.N. bonds. They are questioning it.

This proposal is in trouble in the House of Representatives. As I said earlier to Mrs. Bell, it needs all the help it can get.

Mrs. BROWN. Our "call to action" on the bond issue was in the form of a very eye-catching miniature bond with a printed form attached to it.

Mr. JUDD. They were asked to write to their Congressmen as well as their Senators?

Mrs. BROWN. Yes.

Mr. JUDD. How long ago was this?

Mrs. BROWN. We sent out two "calls to action." We have had some responses. In fact, when we sent out this little bond, we had a little questionnaire attached to it and asked them to write to us and tell us what they wrote and the response they received.

Unfortunately, Dr. Judd, when we send out all these communications which go all over the country, we don't always have a way of knowing the results. This was during the discussion of the issue in the Senate, and I am quite certain we will send something else as it is about to come before the House.

Mr. JUDD. We must report to you today that the response hasn't been as good, at least in my office, as I would have expected.

For example, when any organization sends out things like that little bond, what frequently happens is that some who receive it will take the bond or whatever the device is, and they will write across the bottom, "Hope you get busy on this. I favor this. I want you to support it, and so forth," and send it to us.

I have seen at least one of the miniature bonds that you sent out. I can't remember whether it came into my office, but I haven't seen any large numbers and there are a good many of your members in my State whom I know and who ordinarily write me on matters about which they are concerned.

Mrs. BROWN. I am kind of glad that our mail has been missedMr. JUDD. I think it is going to require considerable mobilization of public sentiment.

That is all.

Chairman MORGAN. Would you yield to me?

I was interested in the question that you asked Mrs. Bell, and I had the staff look up Ambassador Lodge's answer when he was here Tuesday. As I remember it, you weren't here. Here is what he said:

As far as the Congo, that was the most ambitious, the most novel, the most difficult, the most widespread activity that any international organization has ever engaged in. When the Belgians left, you had over 200 Soviet agents in surrounding African countries ready to move in when the Belgians moved out.

You can all imagine what would have been the situation had that been allowed to happen. Either we would have lost the heart of Africa to the Communists or else the United States would have had to go in there and prevent it. We can say all we want about the United Nations forces in the Congo, but there isn't any single American boy in it. That is an impressive fact.

Of course, some mistakes have been made, but the situation in the Congo today is very much better than it was in 1960, when, as the U.S. representative in the U.N., I introduced the resolution setting up the force. It is better than I think we have any right to expect it to be.

Mr. JUDD. Mr. Murphy and I were talking here a moment ago, following my question to Mrs. Bell, and he asked if I was opposed to the original action taken by the U.N. I said "No." That is the action the Ambassador is talking about where, as I recall, the Congo asked the U.N. to come in to maintain order.

It was some of the things that happened after they got in which caused the reaction against it in our country and obviously in some European countries. There is opposition from the British today, as you know.

Mrs. BROWN. The consideration of what the alternatives would have been if the Congo operation hadn't occurred are frightening. Chairman MORGAN. Mr. Selden.

Mr. SELDEN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

I would like to join with you in welcoming Mrs. Brown before the committee today. I have no questions.

Chairman MORGAN. Mr. Broomfield.
Mr. BROOMFIELD. No questions.

Chairman MORGAN. Mr. O'Hara.

Mr. O'HARA. Mrs. Brown, I am well acquainted with the fine work of your organization. Its members are effectively active in my own district in Chicago.

I would like to make one comment. I have received a large mail on the U.N. bond issue. Some of the letters have been violent. Some tell me that voting against the U.N. is my last opportunity to prove that I am an American. Curiously, these letters come mostly from two States, none from my own district in Illinois. I would say the sentiment among my constituents is favorable to the U.N. bond issue as the only feasible method of saving the U.N. from collapse. Mr. BROOMFIELD. Dr. Morgan

Chairman MORGAN. Do you yield to Mr. Broomfield?

Mr. O'HARA. Surely.

Mr. BROOMFIELD. I would like to say, Mr. Chairman, I have publicly stated that I am going to support this legislation. I would like to point out, however, that I respect the views of many of the people who are opposed to this bill.

I am not ready now to scuttle the U.N. That is why I think it is important to see them through this financial crisis. But I think it is also very important that they work out their financial problems on a long range and a sound basis.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Chairman MORGAN. Mr. O'Hara, are you through?

Mr. O'HARA. Yes, Mr. Chairman.

Mrs. BROWN. May I take the liberty of assuring you that we will make great efforts to see that "calls to action" are sent out, now that this is at a critical point in the House of Representatives. And also to assure you that we do not give testimony or have opinions or state opinions particularly on things which either we have not studied thoroughly or considered very carefully both pro and con.

Chairman MORGAN. Mr. Murphy.

Mr. MURPHY. Mr. Chairman, in the event the legislation for the purchase of the U.N. bonds fails to pass in the Congress, what would be the status of the U.N. thereafter? In using the expression "history repeats itself," I would like to compare the aforesaid U.N. status with the failure of the operation of the League of Nations. I do not believe

that World War II would have occurred if the League had been in operation, and if there had been an international body to discuss the disputes between the nations that arose in the 1920's and 1930's leading to World War II.

Following World War II the nations of the world found it necessary to create another world organization for peace and to consider the world's disputes, and this body was the United Nations.

I believe if the United States fails to purchase the $100 million worth of bonds, the U.N. will undoubtedly collapse.

In the future we will find many controversies arising between the nations of the world and they will find it imperative to organize or to create another international organization to consider these problems as they found it necessary to do after World War I and World War II. When Governor Stevenson appeared before the committee, I called his attention to a possible crisis that may arise in Ruanda-Urundi. Here the two major tribes, the Batutsi and the Bahutu, were in conflict as late as 3 years ago. The Batutsi have 15 percent of the population and have held the Bahutu with 85 percent of the population in subjugation. What will happen in these two states when the Belgians withdraw? Who will maintain the peace; and if there is not a body like the U.N., who would arbitrate the differences?

Chairman MORGAN. Thank you, Mrs. Brown.

Mrs. BROWN. Thank you.

Chairman MORGAN. Our next witness is Mr. A. H. Parker, Jr.
Mr. Parker.

Mr. PARKER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Chairman MORGAN. Mr. Parker is the first vice president of the United World Federalists.

Mr. Parker, you have a prepared statement and you may proceed, sir.

STATEMENT OF A. H. PARKER, JR., FIRST VICE PRESIDENT, UNITED WORLD FEDERALISTS

Mr. PARKER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. Chairman and committee members, I am A. H. Parker, Jr., of Sherborn, Mass. I am president of the Old Colony Trust Co. in Boston and have flown to Washington for the express purpose of testifying before your esteemed committee. I appear on behalf of United World Federalists, Inc., of which I have the honor to be first vice president. We appreciate this opportunity to testify.

I might say I have been a member of the United World Federalists virtually since its organization, and that was not long after I was mustered out of the Navy as a lieutenant commander, following a little more than 41⁄2 years of active duty in World War II.

Our organization has worked to support and strengthen the United Nations and to increase its ability to preserve the peace since our incorporation in 1947. We have long recognized the financial problems inherent in the operation of the United Nations.

Careful consideration was given to the matter before this committee prior to making our decision. We finally came to the unanimous conclusion that the well-being of the United Nations and of its vital peacekeeping operations in the Gaza strip and the Congo require approval of a loan to the U.N. through the purchase of U.N. bonds.