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sixty-four pounds of turnips; others a pound on every eighty. one pounds consumed. Cattle, in grazing, gain three hundred and seventy-eight pounds on an acre, while sheep gain only two hundred and sixteen pounds. These estimates, however, are far from being accurately established; but they are sufficient to show that grazing is more advantageous to the farmer than the growing of corn; and when it is remembered that premiums have been given on the importation of wheat, it must be evident that they acted as bounties to the grazier.

Among the numerous judicious remarks which abound in this volume, there are perhaps none which deserve more attention than those on horses. Mr. Curwen estimates the number of pleasure horses at 200,000, which require the produce of six acres to each; 30,000 cavalry, requiring five acres; a million of draught and husbandry horses, requiring four acres each; and 200,000 colts and brood mares, at three acres; making a total of 1,430,000 horses *, which consume the produce of nearly six millions of acres. In order to remedy this vast consumption by horses, he proposes that two of these six millions of acres should be appropriated to oats, and that by substituting potatoes, carrots, and straw, a saving of 300,000 acres might be effected. A reduction of the number of horses kept for pleasure and waggons he considers as highly laudable, and recommends the adoption of iron-rail roads, where there is a great transport of goods. In addition to this he concludes, that if there are now twenty millions of acres in pasture, besides those used by horses, the feeding of milk-cows, and fattening cattle with green food summer and winter, would effect a reduction of at least a sixteenth, and that consequently 1,200,000 acres might be appropriated to the culture of wheat. The application of capital to this purpose, he thinks, would be much more permanently advantageous than to commerce, although, he justly believes, that our staple commodities, such as salt, iron, coals, tin, lead, copper, &c. which cannot be found elsewhere, will support our trade in defiance of all the efforts of the enemy. We cannot, however, accede to his axiom, that a "nation of agriculturists will be considerably more populous than a manufacturing one, unless they place their reliance for food on foreign countries, in which case they must be a dependent people." We are surprised that Mr. C. and other enlightened agriculturists, do not perceive that the

* Middleton, in his Survey of Middlesex e:imates the number of horses in South Britain at 1,800,000, which he calculates to consume only the product of 3,600,000 acres. We think Mr. Curwen's estimate of six acres to each pleasure horse must be greatly overrated.

cultivation of land, or the feeding of cattle, is as much a manufacture as carding, spinning, and weaving wool or cotton. Neither is it true that simple agricultural people are ever very numerous; it is not consonant with the usual progress of the human mind to remain long in that state. The spirit of traffic manifests itself even among savage tribes at a very early period; it is connected with chance or fortune, which the human heart is ever anticipating. The possibility of rapidly accumulating great wealth captivates the imagination, makes men merchants, and they make manufacturers, whose ingenious labours excite curiosity, disseminate science, and tend to civilise and comfort distant nations. The adventures of the merchant increase and continue fortunate until all nations have attained a certain level or equality; then, indeed, he can no longer hope to gain an independence by the profits of a single adventure, but must expect them to be as circumscribed, and as definite, as those of the manufacturer, mechanic, or agriculturist. This is the period when agricultural speculations commence, when those in commerce and manufactures have attained their climax, and when the riches acquired by trade have contributed to diffuse learning and knowledge among nations, and when men's minds are sufficiently enlightened to pursue the slow but certain means of acquir ing wealth by the cultivation of the soil, Thus nations become wealthy by commerce, by wealth they soon grow learned and populous, and when populous they necessarily be come agricultural; but whenever they cease to be wealthy, their science, their population, and their agriculture soon decline, and they again sink into vice, ignorance, and insignifi cance. There is no populous country which has not previausly been commercial and wealthy; nor is there any wealthy country which will not become agricultural. We have attained our commercial era; we are approaching our agricultural one: a little attention to this fact might have prevented several writers the labour of composing many ponderous volumes. So true it is, as our author has subsequently admitted, that our "agricultural and commercial interests are so united, that they must stand or fall together; to restore and maintain an equal balance between them appears most conducive to our national prosperity." On this principle he "contends that the landed interest had ultimately more to apprehend from the high prices of grain than the manufacturer; and that any material fluctuation of price does more immediately affect its interests As agricultural wages are regulated in a great measure by the price of the prime necessaries of life, the late high prices of grain advanced wages 40 per cent. which, notwith

standing the years of plenty that succeeded, it has not been found practicable to reduce. The labourer's scale of expense has kept pace with his wages; various other articles have also advanced, and he is as little able as ever to provide against any additional pressure; so that should an advance take place in grain above the standard of common years (and his employer refuse a still further increase of wages), his family must have recourse to parochial relief, which ultimately brings a heavy burden upon the landholder." These considerations should induce the farmer to resist to the utmost the monopoly of the corn factors, who suffer nothing by the distresses of the poor, as they have not to pay heavy poor-rates. It should also be remembered, that the ruinous system of lowering the price of grain by bounties on importation, rather aggravates than alleviates the evil; for if 1000 quarters of wheat are imported and sold for 41. a quarter, and on which 11. a quarter bounty is paid, is it not sufficiently evident that this wheat virtually costs the consumer 51, a quarter? The bounty must be raised by taxes -and all taxation must ultimately fall on labour. In addition to this, if such wheat has been imported from America, it comes in American bottoms, and neither our ship-owners nor our merchants make a farthing by the trade, the whole profits of which pass directly into the hands of the enemy.

Leaving, however, the author's general speculations, which evince considerable experience, good sense, benevolence, and patriotism, to return to his experiments in producing milk, he states, as a necessary preliminary, that he found the disagreeable taste in cream and butter, from feeding the cows on green food, effectually prevented by saturating warm water with saltpetre, then boiling it till all the scum which rises to the sur face shall be disengaged and removed, when it is cooled, strained, and bottled for use; on setting the milk, two spoonfuls of this solution of saltpetre were added to every six or eight quarts. Mr. C. states the whole expenses and profits both on the green food for the milk cows, and on the milk which they produced, very fully. One of his friends, Mr. Bower of Keswick, had 425 quarts of entire milk, of which fourteen were strippings, from five cows in a week; this yielded in cream forty-nine quarts, strippings fourteen; and blue milk 393-456 quarts, being an increase of thirty-one quarts, or as eighteen to seventeen. This increase of volume, which can be accounted for only by the absorption of oxygen in the separation of the cream from the blue milk, sufficiently explains the nature and extent of the profits of persons who in London buy new milk in order to sell the cream of it.

The remaining papers in this volume treat of "Soiling

Cattle," which is a counterpart of the paper on supplying the poor with milk; "General Hints on Farming," including some judicious and interesting observations for "Farming by Gentlemen," in which Mr. C. states his own essay and experiments; on Draining," "System," "Cleaning of Land," "Seeds and Weeds," "Accounts and Experiments," "Labour and Workmen," ""Manures," in which the author, we think, justly disapproves of the practice of fermenting dung and making of dunghills, instead of putting it deep into the earth. "Early Sowing" is also wisely recommended: but the most important paper, because the most authoritative, is the urgent recommendation to grant leases to farmers. On this head Mr. C. speaks both as a farmer and land-owner, and considers leases to be indisputably the true interest of both; in this, we believe, almost every well-informed person in the united kingdom will concur. The "Jealousy of Farmers," "Returnseconomy," " Workington Agricultural Society," and the culture of "Potatoes," are also considered and accompanied with some useful remarks. The last and most laborious paper in these Hints, is devoted to the subject of "Friendly Societies;" here the author's benevolence is eminently conspicuous, and his zeal for the welfare of his working people and tenantry is equally honourable to him as a man and a true friend to his country. The numerous friendly societies which he and his good lady have instituted among both sexes at Workington, and in the collieries, are here copiously detailed, as well as their beneficial effects in diminishing the poor-rates, improving the morals, and reviving the ancient spirit of independence in the labouring people. Would country gentlemen patronise such institutions among their dependents, as Mr. Curwen has done, we might then hope to see the enormous poor-rates sink to their former insignificance, and what is nearly of equal importance, expect a race of country squires from among whom upright and unambitious legislators could be chosen.

We have noticed some errors in the author's calculations as well as in his style, but we do not think them of any serious importance to the positions he wishes to establish. In recommending method to farmers, he ought, however, to have given `them a better example of method in his own work, which is in every other respect so worthy their earnest attention, and also that of all noblemen and gentlemen who wish to support the true dignity of their country by contributing to its internal happiness.

An Examination of the Article in the Antijacobin Review, for November, January, February, and March last, upon the Substance of Sir John C. Hippisley's Additional Observations, &c. on the Catholic Question, in four Letters to a Gentleman of Dublin. By the Rev. J. Milner, D. D. F. S. A.

THIS pamphlet, printed in London, the 12th of April last, was written in defence of one composed by Sir John C. Hippisley, which was printed, but not published, and which the Honourable Baronet has been circulating with uncommon diligence, having presented copies of it, not only to individuals, but to some public libraries*.

We should not have noticed it, but that the main object of its author appears to be, that of recommending and panegyrizing popery, that deadly enemy of pure religion and rational liberty, and which often aimed at the subversion of our constitution in church and state. The public may form an opinion of the understanding and knowledge of a person, who with much gravity endeavours to prove, that the tenets of popery are as good as those of the established church, and as well calculated to promote moral harmony and social order under our state, and that protestants have been as sanguinary, and practised persecution as much as the votaries of the Holy See, when, respectively, they enjoyed an ascendancy.

This he attempts to accomplish, merely on the assurances of some popish priests, of whom Dr. Milner is one, and whom he states to be the highest living authorities, without quoting any writer of veracity, ancient or modern, to substantiate any of his assertions. But were the Hon. Baronet to interrogate the members of the Corresponding Society, the Catholic Committee, or the United Irishmen, as to the designs and the principles of their respective bodies, we will venture to assert that they would praise them as much as these reverend gentlemen have the doctrines of their church.

On the assurances of the latter, Sir John C. H. goes so far as to assert, that excommunication, confession+, absolution and infallibility, are nearly the same, and not different in their effects, in both churches, and that the dispensing and deposing doctrines were as strongly urged by the early reformists, as by any of the Roman Pontiffs.

In like manner the Doctor's pamphlet has not been published, but he has been zealous in circulating it.

+ What an unfortunate situation a popish priest is placed in, when in the confession box! If he conceals treason revealed to him, he is guilty of misprision of treason, and of sacrilege if he reveals it, as confession is a sacrament in the Romish church.

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