IRISH REGIUM DONUM IN ITS RELATION TO THE IRISH EPISCOPAL ESTABLISHMENT.

THE spirit of inquiry is a striking feature of the times. It has been awakened in almost every department of knowledge, politics, and religion. Time-hallowed systems, how venerable soever in the eyes of the superstitious, or valuable in the judgment of the self-interested, are being subjected to the eye of an honest scrutiny, their foundations examined, and every prop which serves to buttress each antiquated fabric, brought under the ken of a faithful, thorough-paced public investigation. In the department of religion, it is assuredly the duty of all to apply this principle to existing civil ecclesiastical establishments. It cannot be uninteresting to inquire how they have been maintained, what have been the chief props devised through the craft of civil diplomacy, by which a system contrary to political equity and Christian law has been hitherto upheld, and even is defended and venerated by a large influential portion of the community. Among the several existing forms of ecclesiastical establishments, that of the Irish episcopal church stands forth with peculiar prominence. Whether we regard its past history or present position, there is something connected with it demanding our special attention. It is, in the full sense of the term, an ecclesiastical anomaly. The question forces itself upon us, how has such a system been enabled to maintain its ground in a country where more than three-fourths of the inhabitants dissent from its forms and hate its priesthood? What means have been put in requisition to uphold its authority? There are several things which serve in part to give a solution to this problem. Every body knows the interest which the aristocracy and gentry have in the maintenance of the establishment, and the zeal they naturally enough display in its support. But this, great as it may seem to some, would have been of itself inadequate to the stability and defence of the Irish establishment. Protected by no other influence, it could not have stood even till now, but must have yielded to the force of public sentiment. At the present moment it totters; and were one particular prop removed, it would quickly fall. That prop is the regium donum bestowed on the Presbyterian clergy.*

* "There is annually voted by the Commons House of Parliament, as one item in the Irish estimates, a sum amounting at present to more than thirty-five thousand pounds sterling, for the support of Protestant dissenting ministers in Ireland. This sum, when voted, is placed at the disposal of the Lord Lieutenant, or other chief governor of Ireland, who has the power of giving to or withholding from any minister according to his own pleasure. When a minister is ordained, or installed in another congregation, he must apply, by humble memorial, to the Lord Lieutenant, for the portion of Regium Donum previously granted to the minister of such congregation. "As a qualification for this boon, he must appear before two magistrates, take the

Take away the parliamentary grant, and you at once array a phalanx of bold energetic men against the establishment; but under its influence, all opposition, so far as the principle of the establishment is concerned, is hushed. Not that the Presbyterian clergy love the establishment. Let any candid person attend but one meeting of their assembly, and he will learn enough to convince him that it is hated most cordially by almost every member of the body. But still no aggressive measures have been ever recommended for its removal ;-not a word even in the harangues of the most warm and wordy orators of the assembly has been ever uttered against its principle. This seems at first sight rather singular, but it finds a ready solution in the history and character of the grant.

It is no uncommon thing to hear endowed Presbyterians in Ireland boasting of their spiritual freedom. This of course passes with shallow thinkers as an incontrovertible fact, but men of discernment know better. Irish endowed Presbyterians free! The assertion is as hollow as it is arrogant. Bound they are, in golden fetters it is true, but still they are bound. There are different ways in which our liberties may be intrenched upon,-first by direct interference, and secondly by indirect moral influence. The spiritual freedom of endowed Irish Presbyterians has been affected hitherto, chiefly by the latter means. This moral influence operates through the principle of the love of consistency, but mainly through that of fear, the fear of losing the

oath of allegiance, and a certificate to this effect, signed by three magistrates, must be transmitted to Dublin Castle, and laid before the Lord Lieutenant. Accompanying this certificate, there must be a memorial, of which the following is a copy :

"To his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant.

on the

"The memorial of the Rev. A. B. showeth, that memorialist was appointed minister of the Presbyterian congregation of and has since taken the oath of allegiance to his Majesty. Memorialist therefore prays that your Excellency may be pleased to issue the necessary orders, that he may be placed in the receipt of that portion of his Majesty's royal bounty allotted to the minister of said congregation.'

"To this there is attached an official confirmation from the moderator of the Synod, and also the certificate signed by two magistrates, stating that the memorialist had avowed his loyalty by taking the oath of allegiance. If the Lord Lieutenant see no objection to the applicant, and of course he looks at him merely as a citizen of the state, he issues his order, and the memorialist becomes a pensioner during good behaviour.

"That government are not actuated in this matter by a zeal for the diffusion of religious knowledge; that they have contemplated this pension as tending to secure merely the loyalty of the ministers and their people, must be obvious from this fact, that of the five sections of the Presbyterian church receiving, we cannot say enjoying, this endowment, only two hold those religious tenets usually termed orthodox; the other three, the Synod of Munster, Presbytery of Antrim, and Remonstrant Synod of Ulster, being openly and avowedly Anti-trinitarian !"-The Christian Examiner.

regium donum. Endowed Presbyterians cannot, with any show of consistency, oppose the principle of the establishment. They themselves lean upon the powers that be, and why should not their episcopalian neighbours do the same thing: they accept of the pay of the state, and why should not the Anglican priesthood do so too? It would, therefore, be utterly inconsistent in Presbyterians receiving regium donum to raise their voice against the endowment of Episcopacy. And for this reason, the opposition of state-paid Presbyterians to the endowment of Popery, when government comes to the proposal, if indeed such opposition should appear at all, must be regarded as strangely anomalous, and morally ineffective.

But, the influence of the donum operates on the Presbyterians most of all through the principle of fear. There are questions on which they will not speak out, cannot speak out, dare not speak out. It is well known this endowment was originally given for a political purpose, and it is still continued for political ends. Our civil rulers are wise in their generation. Before a Presbyterian minister can obtain the government allowance, he must satisfy the lord lieutenant as to his qualifications. Moreover, its continuance depends entirely on his excellency's pleasure. Besides, should the Presbyterian body at any time displease the government, the ministry can easily leave their allowance out of the estimates of the year. It is not difficult thus to perceive, what an influence government must possess over the movements of the Presbyterian body. Ministers need only say, if the members of this body should happen to displease them, "Gentlemen, be quiet, or we shall deprive you of your grant;" or if they should think it worth while to remonstrate, they may tell them, as Sir James Graham some time ago told the non-intrusionists in the Church of Scotland, that they are specially bound by their sacred calling to be examples of obedience. There is assuredly little room to boast of spiritual freedom here. It may serve the purpose of Dr. Chalmers and others, to laud the condition of their Irish brethren, but more accurate observers know well how little reason there is for such laudation. Irish endowed Presbyterians are not free, cannot be free.

A case occurred a short time ago, in a provincial town in Ulster, which serves to illustrate this remark, A petition was got up by some liberal-minded Presbyterians against the notorious Factories bill, and carried to the Presbyterian clergy for signature. The senior clergyman of the place, in looking over it, happening to light on a passage condemning pretty strongly the conduct of the government, paused, and sagely observed, "This might interfere with the regium donum." The passage had to be expunged before one endowed Presbyterian minister would put his name to the document. The freedom of endowed Presbyterians in Ireland would be of the very greatest importance to the interests of truth, though we fear the majority of them

know it not. Unpinion their energies, and they would spring at once into a position of antagonism against the episcopal establishment as such. It would be impossible for that system to resist the shock. It may, indeed, for years resist the combined efforts of the Roman Catholics. Though physically strong, they possess but little moral power. Popery exercises a debasing and a debilitating influence on the human mind. The man who has been taught to tremble on his knees under the ghostly frown of a priest in the confessional, can hardly be expected ever to distinguish himself by any signal act of moral heroism. But, the case of endowed Presbyterians differs widely. Their system is favourable to the development of mental energy, and there are among them not a few men of solid piety, enlightened views, and powerful talent. Could this only be brought to bear in opposition on the establishment, it would be productive of the most salutary effects. Were endowed Presbyterians to renounce the wages of the state, and publicly avow their opposition to the Irish establishment, it would do more for the removal of that system of religious tyranny, than all the speeches ever pronounced by O'Connell and his friends, than all the monster meetings, arbitration courts, and entire machinery of the Repeal Association. It would be the prelude to things glorious and great, the opening scene in the drama of religious liberty about to be acted,—a scene for angels to behold. The ark of religious freedom would soon rise above the waves of political and ecclesiastical contention, unfurl its canvas and ride triumphantly, carrying forth to the world its precious cargo, truth, righteousness, and peace: while the gales of political and religious equity coming over the troubled surface, would soon smooth the angry surges, and dispel the darkness of popery, which now veils in gloom the moral aspect of the "emerald isle." At present, the episcopal establishment is the great obstacle to the conversion of Ireland, and endowed Presbyterianism is one great prop by which it is upheld.

Assuredly the Protestant dissenters of England have come short of their duty to endowed Presbyterians in Ireland. Why have they not dealt with them in the form of faithful remonstrance? Why have they not faithfully, frankly, and solemnly called their attention specially to their true position, and its necessary consequences? It may be answered, perhaps, that in the judgment of British dissenters such a course would have been altogether in vain. Those who are acquainted with the true state of things, know that it would not. It would at least have awakened inquiry. There are at the present moment, among the Presbyterians, men who are thoroughly convinced of the unscriptural character of ecclesiastical establishments, who, strange to say, are found nevertheless, in the constant receipt of the donum. A straightforward, brotherly remonstrance could hardly fail of having an effect on such men. But, whatever blame may have rested in time past on

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English dissenters in regard to this body, it should be suffered to rest no longer. There never was a time when remonstrance might be plied with greater probability of effect than at the present moment. In the recent disruption of the church of Scotland, the Irish endowed Presbyterians sided with the seceding party. Previously to that event, they were wont to boast of themselves as "an affiliated branch of an established church." That boast is now gone for ever. Possessing the character, they cannot now reject the appellation of Dissenters. It is easy to perceive the advantage that is thus furnished for the exercise of honest fraternal remonstrance.

Till Irish Presbyterians have been induced to reject the patronage of the state, there can be little union among them with thorough-paced dissenters-none at all in the matter of opposition to the principle of ecclesiastical establishments. Doubtless, there are good men among them, who desire more intimate fellowship, and in some things more co-operation with dissenters. This was evinced a short time ago, in a correspondence which appeared in the public prints, on the subject of Christian union, between the Rev. J. Johnson, of Tullylish, and the Rev. J. A. James, of Birmingham. The letters on both sides were very interesting, as indeed they could hardly be otherwise, when such a man as Mr. James happened to be one of the writers,-a man whose praise is in all the churches. They did not, however, lead to anything practical, and the impression left, (a very erroneous impression certainly,) seemed to be that the dissenters of England were much inclined to coalesce with endowed Presbyterians in Ireland in their present state.

However desirable union may be, it does appear that a preliminary step to any advances to that point is absolutely indispensable,-that of faithful and affectionate admonition. Now is the time for it. Let the leading dissenters of England deal faithfully with the endowed Presbyterians of Ireland by correspondence, or in any way they may judge best. Let associations of ministers and public meetings remonstrate with them on their anomalous position, and commit the issue to God. Dissenters of England, arouse ye, gird up your loins for the great work that is before you. Act worthy of your puritan lineage. Be strong, and quit you like men! To you is the labour given, as well as the honour, of leading on the great movement so imperatively called for by the circumstances of the times, against the principle of all religious monopolies. The Free Presbyterian Church in Scotland, it is to be hoped, will soon appear as your ally and assistant in raising the standard of religious freedom. Do your duty to Irish Presbyterians, and who knows but they too may soon cast the corrupting thing to the winds which has hitherto enervated their energies, and fall into the ranks of the friends of truth and righteousness? If the Irish establishment is not removed soon, the probability is, that one darker