asking why they weren't prevented. Each is an attempt by the authors to connect the dots to determine what happened and why it was not possible to figure out what was going to happen in the future.

Our job today-the President's, Congress, and the United Nations, and, indeed, the free people of the world-is to try to connect the dots before the fact, to try to anticipate vastly more lethal attacks before they happen and to try to make the right decisions as to whether we should take anticipatory self-defense actions or preventive actions before such an attack occurs.

Mr. Chairman, we're on notice, each of us. Each of us has a responsibility to do everything in our power to ensure that when the history of this period is written, the books won't ask why we slept. We must ensure that history will instead record that on September 11 the American people were awakened to the impending dangers and that those entrusted with the safety of the American people made the right decisions and saved our Nation and the world from the 21st century threats.

Mr. Chairman, that concludes my statement. I would like to just say that it's a pleasure to see Senator Thurmond here and to have an opportunity to have him participate. This may very well be my last hearing before you, given your decision to retire. So it's a pleasure to see you, sir.

Thank you.

[The prepared statement of Secretary Rumsfeld follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT BY HON. DONALD H. RUMSFELD

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to meet with you today.

Last week, we commemorated the 1 year anniversary of the most devastating attack our Nation has ever experienced-more than 3,000 innocent people killed in a single day.

Today, I want to discuss the task of preventing even more devastating attacks— attacks that could kill not thousands, but potentially tens of thousands of our fellow citizens.

As we meet, state sponsors of terror across the world are working to develop and acquire weapons of mass destruction. As we speak, chemists, biologists, and nuclear scientists are toiling in weapons labs and underground bunkers, working to give the world's most dangerous dictators weapons of unprecedented power and lethality.

The threat posed by those regimes is real. It is dangerous. It is growing with each passing day. We cannot wish it away.

We have entered a new security environment, one that is dramatically different than the one we grew accustomed to over the past half-century. We have entered a world in which terrorist movements and terrorists states are developing the capacity to cause unprecedented destruction.

Today, our margin of error is notably different. In the 20th century, we were dealing, for the most part, with conventional weapons-weapons that could kill hundreds or thousands of people, generally combatants. In the 21st century, we are dealing with weapons of mass destruction that can kill potentially tens of thousands of people-innocent men, women, and children.

Further, because of the nature of these new threats, we are in an age of little or no warning, when threats can emerge suddenly-at any place or time-to surprise us. Terrorist states have enormous appetite for these powerful weapons-and active programs to develop them. They are finding ways to gain access to these capabilities. This is not a possibility—it is a certainty. În word and deed, they have demonstrated a willingness to use those capabilities.

Moreover, after September 11, they have discovered a new means of delivering these weapons-terrorist networks. To the extent that they might transfer WMD to terrorist groups, they could conceal their responsibility for attacks. If they believe they can conceal their responsibility for an attack, then they would likely not be deterred.

We are on notice; let there be no doubt that an attack will be attempted. The only question is when and by what technique. It could be months, a year, or several years. But it will happen. It is in our future. Each of us needs to pause and think about that for a moment-about what it would mean for our country, for our families-and indeed for the world.

If the worst were to happen, not one of us here today will be able to honestly say it was a surprise. Because it will not be a surprise. We have connected the dots as much as it is humanly possible-before the fact. Only by waiting until after the event could we have proof positive. The dots are there for all to see. The dots are there for all to connect. If they aren't good enough, rest assured they will only be good enough after another disaster-a disaster of still greater proportions. By then it will be too late.

The question facing us is this: what is the responsible course of action for our country? Do you believe it is our responsibility to wait for a nuclear, chemical or biological September 11? Or is it the responsibility of free people to do something now-to take steps to deal with the threat before we are attacked?

The President has made his position clear: the one thing that is not an option is doing nothing.

There are a number of terrorist states pursuing weapons of mass destruction— Iran, Libya, North Korea, Syria, to name but a few. But no terrorist state poses a greater and more immediate threat to the security of our people, and the stability of the world, than the regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq.

No living dictator has shown the murderous combination of intent and capability of aggression against his neighbors; oppression of his own people; genocide; support of terrorism; pursuit of weapons of mass destruction; the use of weapons of mass destruction; and the most threatening, hostility to its neighbors and to the United States-than Saddam Hussein and his regime.

Mr. Chairman, these facts about Saddam Hussein's regime should be part of this record and of our country's considerations:

• Saddam Hussein has openly praised the attacks of September 11.

• Last week, on the anniversary of September 11, his state-run press called the attacks "God's punishment.'

• He has repeatedly threatened the U.S. and its allies with terror-once declaring that "every Iraqi (can) become a missile."

• He has ordered the use of chemical weapons-Sarin, Tabun, VX, and mustard agents—against his own people, in one case killing 5,000 innocent civilians in a single day.

• His regime has invaded two of its neighbors, and threatened others.

• In 1980, they invaded Iran, and used chemical weapons against Iranian forces.

• In 1990, they invaded Kuwait and are responsible for thousands of documented cases of torture, rape and murder of Kuwaiti civilians during their occupation.

• In 1991, they were poised to march on and occupy other nations—and would have done so, had they not been stopped by the U.S. led coalition forces.

• His regime has launched ballistic missiles at four of their neighbors—Israel, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain.

• His regime plays host to terrorist networks and has directly ordered acts of terror on foreign soil.

• His regime assassinates its opponents, both in Iraq and abroad, and has attempted to assassinate the former Israeli Ambassador to Great Britain, and a former U.S. President.

• He has executed members of their cabinet, including the Minister of Health, whom he personally shot and killed.

• His regime has committed genocide and ethnic cleansing in Northern Iraq, ordering the extermination of between 50,000 and 100,000 people and the destruction of over 4,000 villages.

• His attacks on the Kurds drove 2 million refugees into Turkey, Syria and Iran.

• His regime has brought the Marsh Arabs in Southern Iraq to the point of extinction, drying up the Iraqi marsh lands in order to move against their villages-one of the worst environmental crimes ever committed.

• His regime is responsible for catastrophic environmental damage, setting fire to over 1,100 Kuwaiti oil wells.

• His regime beat and tortured American POWs during the 1991 Persian Gulf War, and used them as "human shields."

• His regime has still failed to account for hundreds of POWs, including Kuwaiti, Saudi, Indian, Syrian, Lebanese, Iranian, Egyptian, Bahraini and Omani nationals—and an American pilot shot down over Iraq during the Gulf War. • His regime on almost a daily basis continues to fire missiles and artillery at U.S. and coalition aircraft patrolling the no-fly zones in Northern and Southern Iraq, and has made clear its objective of shooting down coalition pilots enforcing U.N. resolutions-it is the only place in the world where U.S. forces are shot at with impunity.

• His regime has subjected tens of thousands of political prisoners and ordinary Iraqis to arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, summary execution, torture, beatings, burnings, electric shocks, starvation and mutilation.

• He has ordered doctors to surgically remove the ears of military deserters, and the gang rape of Iraqi women, including political prisoners, the wives and daughters of their opposition and members of the regime suspected of disloyalty.

• His regime is actively pursuing weapons of mass destruction, and willing to pay a high price to get them-giving up tens of billions in oil revenue under economic sanctions by refusing inspections to preserve his WMD programs.

• His regime has amassed large, clandestine stockpiles of biological weaponsincluding anthrax and botulism toxin, and possibly smallpox.

• His regime has amassed large, clandestine stockpiles of chemical weapons— including VX, sarin, cyclosarin, and mustard gas.

• His regime has an active program to acquire and develop nuclear weapons. • They have the knowledge of how to produce nuclear weapons, and designs for at least two different nuclear devices.

They have a team of scientists, technicians and engineers in place, as well as the infrastructure needed to build a weapon.

• Very likely all they need to complete a weapon is fissile material—and they are, at this moment, seeking that material—both from foreign sources and the capability to produce it indigenously.

• His regime has dozens of ballistic missiles, and is working to extend their range in violation of U.N. restrictions.

• His regime is pursuing pilotless aircraft as a means of delivering chemical and biological weapons.

• His regime agreed after the Gulf War to give up weapons of mass destruction and submit to international inspections-then lied, cheated and hid their WMD programs for more than a decade.

His regime has in place an elaborate, organized system of denial and deception to frustrate both inspectors and outside intelligence efforts.

• His regime has violated U.N. economic sanctions, using illicit oil revenues to fuel their WMD aspirations.

• His regime has diverted funds from the U.N.'s "oil for food" program-funds intended to help feed starving Iraqi civilians—to fund WMD programs.

• His regime violated 16 U.N. resolutions, repeatedly defying the will of the international community without cost or consequence.

• His regime is determined to acquire the means to strike the U.S., its friends and allies with weapons of mass destruction, acquire the territory of their neighbors, and impose their control over the Persian Gulf region.

As the President warned the United Nations last week, "Saddam Hussein's regime is a grave and gathering danger." It is a danger to its neighbors, to the United States, to the Middle East, and to international peace and stability. It is a danger we do not have the option to ignore.

The world has acquiesced in Saddam Hussein's aggression, abuses and defiance for more than a decade.

In his U.N. address, the President explained why we should not allow the Iraqi regime to acquire weapons of mass destruction and issued a challenge to the international community: to enforce the numerous resolutions the U.N. has passed and Saddam Hussein has defied; to show that Security Council's decisions will not be cast aside without cost or consequence; to show that the U.N. is up to the challenge of dealing with a dictator like Saddam Hussein; and to show that the U.N. is determined not to become irrelevant.

President Bush has made clear that the United States wants to work with the U.N. Security Council to deal with the threat posed by the Iraqi regime. But he made clear the consequences of Iraq's continued defiance: "The purposes of the United States should not be doubted. The Security Council resolutions will be enforced. . . or action will be unavoidable. A regime that has lost its legitimacy will also lose its power."

The President has asked the Members of the House and the Senate to support the actions that may be necessary to deliver on that pledge. He urged that Congress act before the congressional recess. He asked that you send a clear signal-to the world community and the Iraqi regime that our country is united in purpose and ready to act. Only certainty of U.S. and U.N. purposefulness can have even the prospect of affecting the Iraqi regime.

It is important that Congress send that message as soon as possible before the U.N. Security Council votes. The Security Council must act soon, and it is important that the U.S. Congress signal the world where the U.S. stands before the U.N. vote takes place. Delaying a vote in Congress would send a message that the U.S. may be unprepared to take a stand, just as we are asking the international community to take a stand, and as Iraq will be considering its options.

Delay would signal the Iraqi regime that they can continue their violations of the U.N. resolutions. It serves no U.S. or U.N. purpose to give Saddam Hussein excuses for further delay. His regime should recognize that the U.S. and the U.N. are purposeful.

It was Congress that changed the objective of U.S. policy from containment to regime change by the passage of the Iraq Liberation Act in 1998. The President is now asking Congress to support that policy.

A decision to use military force is never easy. No one with any sense considers war a first choice-it is the last thing that any rational person wants to do. It is important that the issues surrounding this decision be discussed and debated.

In recent weeks, a number of questions have been surfaced by Senators, Members of Congress, and former Government officials. Some of the arguments raised are important. Just as there are risks in acting, so too there are risks in not acting.

Those risks need to be balanced; to do so, it is critical to address a number of the issues that have been raised:

Some have asked whether an attack on Iraq would disrupt and distract the U.S. from the global war on terror.

The answer to that is: Iraq is a part of the global war on terror-stopping terrorist regimes from acquiring weapons of mass destruction is a key objective of that war. We can fight all elements of this war simultaneously.

Our principal goal in the war on terror is to stop another September 11-or a WMD attack that could make September 11 seem modest by comparison-before it happens. Whether that threat comes from a terrorist regime or a terrorist network is beside the point. Our objective is to stop them, regardless of the source.

In his State of the Union address last January, President Bush made our objectives clear. He said: "by seeking weapons of mass destruction, these regimes pose a grave and growing danger. They could provide these arms to terrorists, giving them the means to match their hatred. They could attack our allies or attempt to blackmail the United States. In any of these cases the price of indifference would be catastrophic." Ultimately, history will judge us all by what we do now to deal with this danger.

Another question that has been asked is this: The administration argues Saddam Hussein poses a grave and growing danger. Where is the “smoking gun?”

Mr. Chairman, the last thing we want is a smoking gun. A gun smokes after it has been fired. The goal must be to stop Saddam Hussein before he fires a weapon of mass destruction against our people. As the President told the United Nations last week, "The first time we may be completely certain he has nuclear weapons is when, God forbid, he uses one. We owe it to our citizens to do everything in our power to prevent that day from coming." If Congress or the world waits for a so-called "smoking gun," it is certain that we will have waited too long.

But the question raises an issue that it is useful to discuss-about the kind of evidence we consider to be appropriate to act in the 21st century.

In our country, it has been customary to seek evidence that would prove guilt "beyond a reasonable doubt" in a court of law. That approach is appropriate when the objective is to protect the rights of the accused. But in the age of WMD, the objective is not to protect the "rights" of dictators like Saddam Hussein-it is to protect the lives of our citizens. When there is that risk, and we are trying to defend against the closed societies and shadowy networks that threaten us in the 21st century, expecting to find that standard of evidence, from thousands of miles away, and to do so before such a weapon has been used, is not realistic. After such weapons have been used it is too late.

I suggest that any who insist on perfect evidence are back in the 20th century and still thinking in pre-September 11 terms. On September 11, we were awakened to the fact that America is now vulnerable to unprecedented destruction. That

• His regime has still failed to account for hundreds of POWs, including Kuwaiti, Saudi, Indian, Syrian, Lebanese, Iranian, Egyptian, Bahraini and Omani nationals—and an American pilot shot down over Iraq during the Gulf War. • His regime on almost a daily basis continues to fire missiles and artillery at U.S. and coalition aircraft patrolling the no-fly zones in Northern and Southern Iraq, and has made clear its objective of shooting down coalition pilots enforcing U.N. resolutions—it is the only place in the world where U.S. forces are shot at with impunity.

• His regime has subjected tens of thousands of political prisoners and ordinary Iraqis to arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, summary execution, torture, beatings, burnings, electric shocks, starvation and mutilation.

• He has ordered doctors to surgically remove the ears of military deserters, and the gang rape of Iraqi women, including political prisoners, the wives and daughters of their opposition and members of the regime suspected of disloyalty.

• His regime is actively pursuing weapons of mass destruction, and willing to pay a high price to get them-giving up tens of billions in oil revenue under economic sanctions by refusing inspections to preserve his WMD programs. • His regime has amassed large, clandestine stockpiles of biological weaponsincluding anthrax and botulism toxin, and possibly smallpox.

• His regime has amassed large, clandestine stockpiles of chemical weapons— including VX, sarin, cyclosarin, and mustard gas.

• His regime has an active program to acquire and develop nuclear weapons. • They have the knowledge of how to produce nuclear weapons, and designs for at least two different nuclear devices.

They have a team of scientists, technicians and engineers in place, as well as the infrastructure needed to build a weapon.

• Very likely all they need to complete a weapon is fissile material—and they are, at this moment, seeking that material-both from foreign sources and the capability to produce it indigenously.

• His regime has dozens of ballistic missiles, and is working to extend their range in violation of U.N. restrictions.

• His regime is pursuing pilotless aircraft as a means of delivering chemical and biological weapons.

• His regime agreed after the Gulf War to give up weapons of mass destruction and submit to international inspections-then lied, cheated and hid their WMD programs for more than a decade.

His regime has in place an elaborate, organized system of denial and deception to frustrate both inspectors and outside intelligence efforts.

• His regime has violated U.N. economic sanctions, using illicit oil revenues to fuel their WMD aspirations.

• His regime has diverted funds from the U.N.'s "oil for food" program-funds intended to help feed starving Iraqi civilians to fund WMD programs.

• His regime violated 16 U.N. resolutions, repeatedly defying the will of the international community without cost or consequence.

• His regime is determined to acquire the means to strike the U.S., its friends and allies with weapons of mass destruction, acquire the territory of their neighbors, and impose their control over the Persian Gulf region.

As the President warned the United Nations last week, "Saddam Hussein's regime is a grave and gathering danger." It is a danger to its neighbors, to the United States, to the Middle East, and to international peace and stability. It is a danger we do not have the option to ignore.

The world has acquiesced in Saddam Hussein's aggression, abuses and defiance for more than a decade.

In his U.N. address, the President explained why we should not allow the Iraqi regime to acquire weapons of mass destruction and issued a challenge to the international community: to enforce the numerous resolutions the U.N. has passed and Saddam Hussein has defied; to show that Security Council's decisions will not be cast aside without cost or consequence; to show that the U.N. is up to the challenge of dealing with a dictator like Saddam Hussein; and to show that the U.N. is determined not to become irrelevant.

President Bush has made clear that the United States wants to work with the U.N. Security Council to deal with the threat posed by the Iraqi regime. But he made clear the consequences of Iraq's continued defiance: "The purposes of the United States should not be doubted. The Security Council resolutions will be enforced. or action will be unavoidable. A regime that has lost its legitimacy will also lose its power."