REPORT OF THE AMERICAN DELEGATION SUBMITTED TO THE PRESIDENT FEBRUARY 9, 1922.

[Names of personnel of conference, etc., omitted.]

FIRST.

LIMITATION OF ARMAMENT.

It was recognized at the outset that it would be difficult, if not impossible, to provide at this Conference for the limitation of land forces.

So far as the army of the United States is concerned, there was no question presented. It has always been the policy of the United States to have the regular military establishment upon the smallest possible basis. At the time of the Armistice there were in the field and in training in the American Army upwards of 4,000,000 men. At once, upon the signing of the Armistice, demobilization began and it was practically completed in the course of the following year, and to-day our regular establishment numbers less than 160,000 men. The British Empire has also reduced its land forces to a minimum. The situation on the Continent was vividly depicted in an eloquent address by M. Briand, speaking for the Government of France, in which he stated his conclusions as follows:

"The thought of reducing the armaments, which was the noble purpose of this conference, is not one from which we would feel disinterested from the point of view of land armaments. We have shown that already. Immediately after the armistice demobilization began, and demobilization began as rapidly and as completely as possible. According to the military laws of France there are to be three classes of men; that is, three generations of young men under the flag. That law is still extant; that law is still valid. It has not been abrogated yet, and the Government has taken the responsibility to reduce to two years the time spent under the flag, and instead of three classes— three generations of young men-we have only two that are doing military service. It is therefore an immediate reduction by one-third that has already taken place in the effectives—and I am speaking of the normal effectives of the metropolis, leaving aside troops needed for colonial occupation or the obligation imposed by the treaty in Rhineland or countries under plebescite.

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LAND ARMAMENT.

We did not think that endeavor was sufficient, and in the future we have plans in order to further restrict the extent of our army. In a few days it is certain that the proposals of the Government will be passed in the Chamber, and in order to further reduce the military service by half. That is to say, there will be only one class and a half actually serving. The metropolitan French army would be therefore reduced by half, but if anybody asks us to go further, to consent to other reductions, I should have to answer clearly and definitely that it would be impossible for us to do it without exposing ourselves to a most serious danger. You might possibly come and tell us, 'This danger that you are exposed to, we see it, we realize it, and we are going to share it with you. We are going to offer you all means-put all means at your disposal in order to secure your safety.' Immediately, if we heard those words, of course we would strike upon another plan. We should be only too pleased to demonstrate the sincerity of our purpose. But we understand the difficulties and the necessities of the statesmen of other countries. We understand the position of other peoples who have also to face difficult and troublous situations. We are not selfish enough to ask other people to give a part of their sovereign national independence in order to turn it to our benefit and come to our help. We do not expect it; but here I am appealing to your consciences. If France is to remain alone, facing the situation such as I have described, and without any exaggeration, you must not deny her what she wants in order to insure her security. You must let her do what she has to do, if need arise and if the time comes."

"If by direction given to the labors of the Conference it were possible somewhere over there in Europe if it were poss ble to say that the outcome of this Conference is indirect blame and opprobrium cast upon France-if it was possible to point out France as the only country in the world that is still imperialistic, as the only country that opposes final disarmament, then, gentlemen, indeed this Conference would have dealt us a severe blow; but I am quite sure that nothing is further from your minds and from your intentions. If after listening to this argument, after weighing the reasons which you have just heard, you consider it then as valid, then, gentlemen, you will still be with us and you will agree with me in saying that France can not possibly do anything but what she has actually done."

Senator Schanzer described the Italian situation as follows: "It is far from my mind to discuss what France considers indispensable for her national safety. That safety is as dear to us as it may be to them, and we are still morally by the side of our allies of yesterday and our friends of to day.

ITALIAN AND JAPANESE COMMENT.

259 "I wanted to say this. Only may I be allowed to express the wish and the hope that the general limitation of land armament may become a reality within the shortest possible space of time. Italy has fought the war for the highest aims which a country can seek, but Italy is in her soul a peace-loving nation. I shall not repeat what I had the honor to state at the first meeting of the Conference, but I should like to emphasize again that Italy is one of the surest factors of the world's peace, that she has no reason whatsoever of conflict with any other country, that she is following and putting constantly into action a policy inspired by the principle of maintaining peace among all nations.

"Italy has succeeded in coming to a direct understanding with the Serb, Croat, and Slovene people and in order to attain such an end had made considerable sacrifices for the interest of the peace of Europe. Italy has pursued toward the successor countries to her former enemies a policy not only of påcification, but of assistance. And when a conflict arose between Austria and Hungary, a conflict which might have dragged into war the Danubian peoples, has offered to the two countries in conflict her friendly help in order to settle the dispute. Italy has succeeded and in so doing has actively contributed to the peace of Europe. Moreover, Italy has acted similarly within her own frontiers and has reduced her armed forces in the largest possible measure. She has considerably curtailed her navy expenditures in comparison to the pre-war time. The total amount of her armed forces does not exceed 200,000 men and a further reduction to 175,000 men is already planned, and 35,000 colored troops.

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"Our ordinary war budget for the present financial year amounts to $52,000,000, including $11,000,000 expenses for police forces; the extraordinary part of the war budget, representing expenses dependent for the liquidation of the war, expenses therefore of a purely transitory character, amounts to $62,000,000. However, although we have all reduced our armaments to the greatest possible extent, we consider it necessary, for a complete solution of the problem of limitation of armaments in Europe, to take into consideration the armaments of the countries either created or transformed as a result of the war. The problem is not a simple one. It must be considered as a whole. It is a serious and urgent problem, for which a solution at no far distant day is necessary."

Baron Kato spoke as follows:

"I would like to say this morning just a few words on land armament limitation. Japan is quite ready to announce her hearty approval of the principle which aims to relieve a people of heavy burdens by limiting land armaments to those which are necessary for national security and the maintenance of order within the territory.

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LIMITATION OF NAVAL ARMAMENT.

"The size of the land armaments of each state should be determined by its peculiar geographical situation and other circumstances, and these basic factors are so divergent and complicated that an effort to draw final comparisons is hardly possible. If I may venture to say it, it is not an easy task to lay down a general scheme for the limitation of land armaments, as in the case of limitation of naval armaments. Nevertheless, Japan has not the slightest intention of maintaining land armaments which are in excess of those which are absolutely necessary for purely defensive purposes, necessitated by the Far Eastern situation."

Further consideration made it quite clear that no agreement for the limitation of land forces could be had at this time.

LIMITATION OF NAVAL ARMAMENT.

It

A different condition existed in relation to naval armament. was believed by the Government of the United States that an agreement providing for a sweeping reduction and for an effective limitation for the future was entirely feasible. It was pointed out, after considering the failure of earlier endeavors for limitation of armaments that the Powers could no longer content themselves with investigations, with statistics, with reports, with the circumlocution of inquiry; that the time had come, and the Conference had been called, not for general resolutions or mutual advice, but for action.

The following general considerations were deemed to be pertinent.

"The first is that the core of the difficulty is to be found in the competition in naval programs, and that, in order appropriately to limit naval armament, competition in its production must be abandoned. Competition will not be remedied by resolves with respect to the method of its continuance. One program inevitably leads to another, and if competition continues its regulation is impracticable. There is only one adequate way out and that is to end it now.

"It is apparent that this can not be accomplished without serious sacrifices. Enormous sums have been expended upon ships under construction and building programs which are now under way can not be given up without heavy loss. Yet if the present construction of capital ships goes forward other ships will inevitably be built to rival them, and this will lead to still others. lasts.

Thus the race will continue so long as ability to continue The effort to escape sacrifices is futile. We must face them or yield our purpose.

"It is also clear that no one of the naval Powers should be expected to make these sacrifices alone. The only hope of limita

AMERICAN PLAN.

261 tion of naval armament is by agreement among the nations concerned, and this agreement should be entirely fair and reasonable in the extent of the sacrifices required of each of the Powers. In considering the basis of such an agreement, and the commensurate sacrifices to be required, it is necessary to have regard to the existing naval strength of the great naval Powers, including the extent of construction already effected in the case of ships in process. This follows from the fact that one nation is as free to compete as another, and each may find grounds for its action. What one may do another may demand the opportunity to rival, and we remain in the thrall of competitive effort." But it was necessary to go beyond general observations. It was apparent that, in this field of opportunity, it was essential that the American Government, as the convener of the Conference, should be prepared with a definite and practicable plan. After the most careful consideration and detailed examination of the problem, with the aid of the experts of the American Navy, a plan was prepared and, under instructions of the President, was presented to the Conference by the American Delegation.

THE AMERICAN PLAN.

It was clear at the outset, and the negotiations during the Conference put it beyond doubt, that no agreement for the limitation of naval armament could be effected which did not embrace the navies of France and Italy. At the same time, it was recognized that neither of these nations, in view of the extraordinary conditions due to the World War, affecting their existing naval strength, could be expected to make the sacrifices which necessarily would lie at the basis of an agreement for limitation. These sacrifices could, however, be reasonably expected of the United States, the British Empire, and Japan, and these were the Powers then actually engaged in the competitive building of warships. The American plan, therefore, temporarily postponed the consideration of the navies of France and Italy and definitely proposed a program of limitation for the United States, British Empire, and Japan. The proposal was one of renunciation of building programs, of scrapping of existing ships, and of establishing an agreed ratio of naval strength. It was a proposal of sacrifices, and the American Government, in making the proposal, at once stated the sacrifices which it was ready to make and upon the basis of which alone it asked commensurate sacrifices from others.

The American plan rested upon the application of these four general principles:

"(1) That all capital-shipbuilding programs, either actual or projected, should be abandoned;