highest title he held was' Archduke.' Possibly a solution would be sought by forming a new Kingdom of Austria,' as the Empire of Austria' was formed in 1805. The heralds will have a difficult time of it.

That the average Austrian bourgeois both in the provinces and in Vienna would welcome a restoration, if it could be combined with union with Germany, may be taken as fairly certain. All the lighter side of Vienna-and the lighter is the most Viennese side of Vienna-misses the Hapsburgs dreadfully. The attachment of the Viennese to the Imperial House had a personal note, to which there was no parallel in any other European monarchy. Their absence is felt like the absence of a family of cousins, with which one has grown up. They were part of the genial, comfortable atmosphere, in which the Viennese lived and moved and had his being under the old régime. How far he would be prepared to disturb or risk such remains of geniality and comfort as he has been able to snatch from the wreckage, in order to have them back, is another matter.

The attitude of the Austrian working-class is much more difficult to estimate. It is certainly not that of the German working-class, which thinks and acts in pretty close accord with its party leaders. The rank and file of the Austrian workers have probably no convictions in favour of republican state forms. The truculence of the Republicanism of the Social Democrat Party leaders and of their organ, the interesting and extremely well edited'Arbeiter-Zeitung,' is merely the measure of their fear of the strength of the Hapsburg tradition, and of the potentialities which a successful restoration in Hungary wonld open up in Austria. It finds an echo principally in the new army (Reichswehr), which is a jealously guarded Social Democrat preserve, and in certain of the Workers' Councils in Vienna itself and in the Wiener Neustadt district.

In 1919 I had to make investigations into the food

*The Social Democratic Party membership in Vienna alone increased from 49,600 at the outbreak of the war to 188,379 in 1921. The total Trade Union membership at the same date was 459,000. Not much over 25 per cent., therefore, of the organised workers are officially members of the party. On the other hand, at the last elections 435,487 of them voted for it.

conditions in various factories in Vienna and Wiener Neustadt and also in the industrial district of North Styria. In general, Austrian factory organisation is very much more primitive and patriarchal than it is either in Germany or in England; and the attitude of the employees depends very much more on the personality of the managing director. Of the few indications of political feeling among the employees much the most striking was a tendency, which I found widely spread, to associate the Hapsburgs with the mismanagement of the army rationing on the Italian Front, especially in the last year of the war. Again and again in conversation reference was made by men who had served on this front to the starvation they had undergone. Sometimes the officers were blamed. The officers,' I would be told, had plenty to eat; and so did the men at the base. But we got nothing but a half-loaf of bread and cold water, and Goulasch (Maconochie ration) once a week.' One man, after some such remarks, added hesitatingly: We have made a clean sweep of all that. We have no more Kaiser now.' I asked if he thought the Kaiser and Vienna were to blame, or the officers of the Train (A.S.C.). He knew nothing about that, but he added: Officers and such are there because of the Kaiser. Now there is no more Kaiser, all these miseries are over.' How far the recollection of the privations which the Austrian soldiers suffered in the latter part of war has softened since 1919, I am not in a position to judge. But it must be strong enough to rob the old régime, in the eyes of most of the present generation of workers, of any halo which it might otherwise possess.

The actual chances of a restoration in Hungary depend on the possibility of circumventing, frustrating, or dividing the Little Entente. The three States of which the Little Entente is composed consist either entirely (in the case of Czecho-Slovakia), mainly (in the case of Jugoslavia), or largely (in the case of Rumania) of territories forming part of the late Hapsburg dominions. None of them can afford to allow a Hapsburg to ascend a neighbouring throne, and become a rallying-point for every discontented element within their borders. The danger is most acute for the CzechoSlovak State with its numerous minorities, nearly all of

whom were incorporated in the new State against their will, and of which the richest and most powerful, the German Bohemians, representing 28.5 per cent. of the entire population, is in open revolt against the racial policy of the Prague Government. Jugoslavia and Rumania have less cause for alarm; for both States owe their formation to the free consent of their component elements. But the present parliamentary rift between the Croats and Slovenes on the one hand and the Serbs on the other makes the idea of anything in the nature of political experiment particularly distasteful at the present moment at Belgrade. Bucharest on the whole has pursued a generous and conciliatory policy towards the minorities in Transylvania and the Banat; but the return of a Hapsburg King to Budapest would undoubtedly have an electric effect on the large enclaves of Magyar race in Eastern Transylvania as well as in the largely pro-Magyar atmosphere of the towns in the newly-ceded districts. In these circumstances the military occupation of Hungary by the three Allies, for which the Little Entente is understood to provide, would be an immediate sequel to any restoration in Budapest.

There have been moments during the past two years when it looked as if the Powers of the Big Entente might be played off against the Powers of the Little Entente in the interests of a Hapsburg restoration. France, Italy, and certain British officials at Budapest have all at different times and for different reasons appeared to toy with the idea. That, however, was before the common interests of the Prague, Bucharest, and Belgrade Governments had taken definite shape in the form of an alliance. The Little Entente is now allpowerful in the Danubian lands; and it is not easy to imagine any political conjuncture, in which it would now be possible for the Hungarian monarchists to play off the Allied Missions, or any one of them, against it. Unless, therefore, some internal disrupture of the first magnitude, such as a revolution in Czecho-Slovakia or an Italo-Jugoslavian War, occurs to paralyse the striking power of the Little Entente, the cause of the Hapsburgs appears to be held for some time to come ineluctably in check. More than this it would be rash to say.

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Since the above lines were written, King Charles has made his second attempt to ascend the Hungarian Throne. In the circumstances outlined above it was doomed to failure. So was Louis Napoleon's second coup d'état-Putsch is the modern word-at Boulogne. Charles, as was Louis Napoleon, is now held in captivity. But in the world of the aeroplane, Madeira is not so very much further from the palace at Buda than Ham was from the Tuileries.

The interest of the second Putsch lies in the test which it has afforded of the cohesion of the Little Entente. As all the world knows now, Rumania at the critical moment refused to mobilise. The Big Entente was thus enabled to rentrer en scène, and (with suitable concessions to save the face of Prague and Belgrade) to dictate the terms to Hungary. The obedient Government of Admiral Horthy hastened to pass a law annuliling the Pragmatic Sanction, and excluding the House of Hapsburg for ever from the Hungarian Throne. The enactment in itself of course is not worth the paper on which it is written; for, if ever there was a case of that most ancient (and sound) principle of Hungarian Constitutional Law, 'Vis maior non potest efficere validam legem,' it was this. There are those who believe that the Kossuthist anti-Hapsburg tradition in Hungary, which once again came strongly into the light during the Putsch, is strong enough to make a King, and establish a Dynasty, in the person of Admiral Horthy. That depends on the view which is taken of the policy, and still more of the personality, of Admiral Horthy. There is at any rate a precedent in History. Had Zimri peace, who slew his master?'

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Art. 9.-DAVID HENDERSON.

In the long roll of Scottish arms there may be found most varieties of temper and endowment, and he would be a bold man who would dogmatise on the character of the Scottish soldier. But one figure appears with such regularity as almost to constitute a type-the man who to courage adds a peculiar gentleness, to military attainments a love of the humane arts, to the power of leadership the gift of winning affection. From the great Montrose onwards, conspicuous instances will occur to the student of history, and I have many such in my mind among the soldiers of to-day. It is the Happy Warrior out of whose strength comes forth sweetnessthe man who

'endued as with a sense

And faculty for storm and turbulence,

Is yet a soul whose master-bias leans

To homefelt pleasures and to gentle scenes.'

At first one may wonder at their choice of profession. Andrew Lang once said of David Henderson, after a conversation on some abstruse historical point, that He must be a very lonely man in the army.' But the judgment is hasty, for it is to the army that one looks especially for that rare union of fortitude and grace, like the quality of a tempered sword.

David Henderson was born in 1862 of a well-known family of Glasgow shipbuilders. On his mother's side he was of Highland descent; and, indeed, he always seemed to me to be the perfect combination of the two Scottish race-stocks, the lowland and the highland, the covenanting and the cavalier. He had the shrewdness and 'canniness' of the Lowlands, their long patience, their dislike of humbug, their sense of irony in life and character. And he had, too, something of the tough knuckle of obstinacy which goes with these endowments. A touch of the 'Shorter Catechist' was not wanting, for he had an austere sense of duty and a vigilant conscience. On the other side were imagination and a warm generosity of brain and heart. He was always extraordinarily susceptible to new ideas and quick to kindle. He had his countrymen's capacity for honest sentiment; tradition and romance played on his