Aut Ararim Parthus bibet, aut Germania Tigrim, Aut Ararim Parthus bibet, aut Germania Tigrim.] Tityrus is here speaking of impossibilities; that beasts should feed in the sky, and fishes on the land; that the Parthians should extend themselves to the river Arar, or the Germans to Tigris, which could not be effected any otherwise than by a conquest of the whole Roman empire, which lay between those two rivers. Many critics have censured Virgil, as being guilty of a notorious geographical error in this place, representing Tigris as a river of Parthia, and Arar as a river of Germany. They tell us, that Parthia is bounded on the west by Media, on the north by the Caspian, on the east by Bactriana, and on the south by the desarts of Carmania; so that all the large country of Media, and part of Assyria, lie between the Parthians and the Tigris. The Arar, which is now called the Soane, is well known to be a river of France, several miles distant from the Rhine, the well known boundary of the ancient Germany. It has been a common answer to this, that Tityrus speaks with a pastoral simplicity; and that it is not necessary to represent a shepherd as an exact geographer. Others say, that Virgil loves to add the greater dignity to his verse, by enlarging the bounds of countries as much as possible. Catrou solves the difficulty, by saying that it was hardly possible for the Parthian to change country with the German; but that it was absolutely impossible for the German to drink the water of the Tigris in the country of the Parthians, and for the Parthian to drink the water of the Soane in Germany: but this is little better than a quibble. For my own part, I see no great difficulty in understanding this passage according to the most obvious meaning of the words. The Parthians had at that time extended their empire even beyond the Tigris, and had made such conquests, that they were become formidable to the Romans. Strabo tells us expressly, that the border of the Parthians began from the Euphrates; the country on the other side, as far as to Babylon, being under the dominion of the Romans, and the princes of Arabia; the neighbouring people joining either with the Romans or Parthians, according as they were nearer to one or the other. It was not far from the banks of the Euphrates, that Surena, the Parthian general, defeated Crassus: so that Tigris must have been within the bounds of the Parthian empire. It remains now to shew, how the Soane can be said to belong in any manner to Germany. It is past all controversy that the Rhine was always accounted the boundary between Germany and Gaul. It was the eastern limit of Gaul, according to Strabo. The Arar, according to the same author, rises in the Alps, passes between the countries of the Sequani, Ædui, and Lincasii, who are inhabitants of Gaul, and receiving the Dubis, or Doux, falls into the Rhone. Quam nostro illius labatur pectore vultus. MEL. At nos hinc alii sitientes ibimus Afros: This conflux of the Soane and the Rhone is at Lyons, and, without doubt, in Gaul. The Sequani, a famous people of Gaul, were bounded, according to Strabo, on the east by the Rhine, and on the west by the Soane. We learn from Cæsar, that the south border of these people was the Rhone; "Quum Sequanos a provincia nostra Rhodanus divideret." Therefore the country of the Sequani answers nearly to that province of France which is now called Franchecomte. These people, as Strabo tells us, were the ancient enemies of the Romans, and assisted the Germans in their incursions into Italy. They were enemies also to the Ædui, who were the first allies of the Romans in Gaul, and had frequent contentions with them about the Soane, which divided their borders. Cæsar tells us, that the Gauls were divided into two principal factions, at the head of which were the Edui on one side, and the Sequani on the other. The latter, not being able to subdue the former, called the Germans from the other side of the Rhine to their assist ance, who seated themselves in Gaul, grievously oppressed the Edui and their friends, and in Cæsar's time amounted to the number of a hundred and twenty thousand, under the command of Ariovistus. Cæsar sent an embassy to this king, requiring only that he would restore to the Edui their hostages, permit the Sequani to do the same, 65 and not bring over any more Germans into Gaul. But Ariovistus insisted on his right of possession of the country, and claimed the Ædui as his tributaries; esteeming the country on that side of the Rhone to be as much his province, as that on the other side belonged to the Romans. Thus we find the Germans had extended their bounds to the west of the Rhine as far as to the Arar or Soane, and claimed all the country between the two rivers as their own: so that the Germans drank of the waters of the Arar, as they are represented by Virgil to have done: and though Ariovistus was beaten by Cæsar, and at that time compelled to retreat to the other side of the Rhine, yet it is highly probable that many German families remained among the Sequani who never were cordial friends to the Romans. Besides, it appears both from Cæsar and Strabo, that other German nations had seated themselves in Gaul, who had time enough, during the civil wars between Cæsar and Pompey, to settle themselves with greater security. At nos hinc alii, &c.] Melibœeus continues his discourse, and having praised the felicity of Tityrus, enlarges upon the miseries of himself and his banished companions. Sitientes Afros.] He calls the Africans sitientes, because of the great heat of that part of the world. Pars Scythiam, et rapidum Cretæ veniemus Oaxem, Carmina nulla canam: non, me pascente, capellæ 70 75 TIT. Hic tamen hanc mecum poteris requiescere noctem Scythiam.] The ancients commonly called all the northern parts of the world Scythia. Melibœus here gives a strong description of the miserable exile of his countrymen ; some of whom are driven to the hottest, and others to the coldest, parts of the world. En unquam, &c.] It is interpreted unquamne, aliquandone, and an unquam: but Ruæus observes, that these words only express a bare interrogation; whereas Virgil means here an interrogation joined with a desire; a sort of languishing in Melibæus after the farms which he is obliged to quit. Congestum cespite culmen.] The roofs of houses were called culmina because they were thatched with straw (culmus.) Melibus describes the meanness of his cottage, by representing it as covered with turf. Post aliquot aristas.] Servius and most others interpret it, after several years; taking it for a rural expression, using beards of corn for harvests, and harvests for years. Insere nunc.] "This is an ironical apostrophe of Melibœus to himself, wherein he expresses his indignation at his having bestowed so much vain labour in cultivating his gardens and vines for the use of barbarians. Nunc is a particle adapted to irony." Ruaus. Melibus Hic tamen, &c.] seems to propose going on with his journey; but Tityrus kindly invites him to stay that night, and partake of such fare as his cottage affords. Fronde super viridi; sunt nobis mitia poma, Castaneæ molles, et pressi copia lactis. Et jam summa procul villarum culmina fumant, Majoresque cadunt altis de montibus umbræ. Castanea molles.] Servius interprets molles, matura; but I do not know that chesnuts are soft when they are ripe. Some I will have molles to mean new and fresh; others think th poet means a particular sort of chesnuts, which is distinguished by this epithet from the Castanea hirsuta. They are said, by Palladius, to lose the roughness of their husk, by being ingrafted on an almond. Perhaps we are to understand by Castanea molles roasted chesnuts ; for the ancients were acquainted with this way of preparing them, as we find in Pliny, Torrere has in cibis gratius. Pressi copia lactis.] Servus understands this to mean cheese Emulcti et in caseum coac Others think it means only dled milk. I believe it sign 81 curd, from which the milk has been squeezed out, in order to make cheese. We find in the third Grgick, that the shepherds u to carry the curd, as soon as was pressed, into the towns; or else salt, it, and so lay it by for cheese against winter. It was, therefore, analogous to what we call new cheese. Et jam summa procul, &c.] This description of an evening in the country is very natural, and full of pastoral simplicity. The smoking of the cottage chimneys, shews that the labourers have left off their work, and are prep ring their suppers. The lengthening of the shadows that fall from the neighbouring hills, is entirely rural; and de cribes an artless manner of measuring time, suitable to the innocence of pastoral poetry. P. VIRGILII MARONIS BUCOLICORUM ECLOGA SECUNDA. ALEXIS. FORMOSUM pastor Corydon ardebat Alexim, Formosum pastor, &c.] In this eclogue the poet describes the passion of a shepherd for a beautiful boy, with whom he is greatly in love. Some, indeed, have ventured to affirm, that this whole eclogue is nothing but a warm description of a pure friendship; but I fear an impartial reader will be soon convinced that many of the expressions are too warm to admit of any such interpretation. This, however, may be said in Virgil's commendation, that he keeps up to his character of modesty, by not giving way to any lascivious or indecent words, which few of his contemporaries could know how to avoid, even in treating of less criminal subjects. Corydon.] The commentators are unanimous almost in supposing that Virgil means himself under the feigned name of Corydon. They seem persuaded that he was always thinking of himself, and continually describing his own business and his own follies in these Bucolicks. In short, they make a mere Proteus of him, varying his shape in almost every eclogue. In the first, he was Tityrus, old, poor, and a servant; but here, under the name of Corydon, he is young, handsome, and rich. There he cultivated only a few barren acres, half covered with stones and rushes, on the banks of Mincius: here he is possessed of fine pastures, and has a thousand lambs feeding on the mountains of Sicily. These are such inconsistencies, that I wonder any one can imagine that Virgil is both Tityrus and Corydon. For my own part, I believe he is neither; at least, not Corydon, |