P

RIVATE and Corporal, 1st Tennessee, U. S. Volunteers, April 23, 1898, to September 14, 1899, serving through the Philippine Campaign; Chief Accountant, Office Provincial Treasurer, Iloilo, P. I., 1909-12; Clerk and Chief Clerk, Q. M. Department, November 7, 1902, to March 20, 1912, serving in the Philippine Islands, Japan and the United States, with duties comprising Administration, Purchasing, Contracts, Finance, Property Accounting, Inspection of Supplies, Warehousing, Receipt and Shipment of Supplies, Land Transportation, Operation of Army Transport Service, including the movement of troops and supplies, purchase of provisions, supplies, bunker coal, maintenance, repairs, etc. Also, while on duty in Japan (seven years), purchased and supervised the inspection and shipment of coal for the use of the Army and Transport Service in the Philippine Islands, Honolulu, San Francisco, and Seattle.

Commissioned Captain, Q. M. Corps, May 1, 1917, at Seattle, Washington; Assistant to Camp Quartermaster, Camp Pike, Ark., August 27, 1917, to July 31, 1918, in Charge of Purchasing and Contract Branch; Fuel and Forage Branch; Inspection of Supplies and Auditing Bills, also Executive Officer. Had charge of construction and repair of roads at Camp Pike; the construction of Rifle and Target Range at Fort Logan H. Roots, Ark.; and from December 4, 1917, to March 15, 1918, was also in charge of Cantonment Construction work, wherein I established an auditing and accounting system and greatly reduced the number of civilian employees and laborers theretofore employed, thereby effecting a large saving in expenditures. Was promoted to Major, Q. M. Corps, June 4, 1918, for efficient services.

After making two special requests, I was ordered to France July 27, 1918, arriving in the A. E. F. August 16, 1918; was assigned as Executive Officer and temporarily attached to the Depot Quartermaster at Q. M. Depot No. 2, at Gieves, France, to organize the personnel and perfect a working system for Intermediate Q. M. Depot No. 3, at Montierchaume, which I established September 6, 1918, remaining in charge until October 1, when Colonel A. S. Kimball, Q. M. C., arrived and assumed command, and where I served as Executive Officer and Assistant to the Depot Quartermaster until June 28, 1919.

In the establishment of this large Depot I devoted especial effort to administration, training and perfecting an efficient and well-balanced working organization both in the office and the field, which comprised some fifty to seventy-five officers and 3,000 to 4,000 Supply Corps men and Service troops.

Returning from France, arrived in Washington August 1, 1919, and was detailed on that date to the Surplus Property Division, Office of the Quartermaster General, and assigned as Executive Officer August 6, serving in such capacity until May 20, 1920, when I was relieved as a result of specific charges which I had made to the Chief of the Division of irregular sales involving the former Chief of the Division (who was then an Assistant) and other commissioned officers and civilian employees. From May 21 to June 28, assisting my successor and preparing reports on irregular transactions; in charge of Textile and Clothing and Equipage Branch June 28 to August 24; August 25 to September 27 presenting

specific cases of irregularities to investigating officer designated by the Q. M. G. and the Inspector General, which were whitewashed as it was stated "The Army cannot afford to have a scandal."

Published a series of articles in the "New York Globe" in October and November, 1920, exposing the corrupt practices in the sale of surplus War Department property. When Congress convened on December 6, 1920, I presented specific charges of these irregular sales to the Select Committee of the House of Representatives, Hon. W. J. Graham, Chairman, which were sustained by the Committee and referred to the Department of Justice for appropriate action.

After a thorough investigation of the now notorious U. S. Army Harness Contract, said to involve an attempted steal of $150,000,000 or more, the Department of Justice sustained my charges and caused the President to void this contract for fraud, in which case prosecutions are now pending.

The fact that the Select Committee on Expenditures in the War Department, House of Representatives, expired with the 66th Congress prevented a full investigation by that Committee of many other irregular transactions of which I had knowledge and had complained.

The so-called Army investigations of my charges were in no sense investigations. They were conducted solely in defense of the Army as the voluminous reports now in the Department of Justice themselves show. These constitute an amazing document of falsehood and false and incomplete testimony which I am now engaged in analyzing, with other sales records. With one exception, not a single witness, other than those involved in or responsible for the corrupt and fraudulent practices in which the Government was, through conspiracy, mulcted out of its property, were called to give testimony. No effort was made by the Inspectors to properly verify the available records, or call witnesses.

Through complicity of its sworn officials, the Government has literally been defrauded out of incalculable millions of dollars in the sale of surplus war supplies. A thorough investigation by competent officials of the Department of Justice of the War Department's records and the parties concerned, will fully sustain this statement, and will reveal a condition of fraud and thievery of a magnitude never paralleled in the history of any government. Such an investigation will unquestionably lead to the recovery of large sums of money out of which the Government has been defrauded, and will impel the indictment and prosecution of guilty officials and other persons involved therein.

It is pertinent to state that I have devoted my best energies for nearly two years to correcting these abuses, in the face of tremendous official and private interests involved, and certain political obstacles brought to bear. This has been done at great personal sacrifice to myself and family, as I am and have been without any financial means. From the date of my discharge from the service on September 30, 1920, to the time of my employment as Special Agent, Department of Justice, July 6, 1920, I was without any fixed income, relying solely on my friends for financial aid.

Congress Is Responsible

shamelessly stolen.

The big looting was done under the last administration. It is being shielded and protected by the present regime.

Having gotten their graft, the looters are fighting now to keep it.

What the grafters fear most of all is an honest investigation.

A thorough investigation would mean an audit of the war billions. It would mean identifications and indictments. It would mean actions to restore to the national treasury millions of misappropriated public funds. It would mean justice to individuals whose property has been stolen and to the public whose taxes paid for the graft.

But the bosses of the House are standing like adamant against investigation.

The Rules Committee

There will be no investigation of war graft, at least not by the present House. Perhaps the coming elections will so change the character of Congress that America may have her audit, but certainly not as the personnel and organization now stand. The bosses are in control, and until that domination is broken no investigation will be possible.

In the last Searchlight it was recorded how the House endorsed the reprehensible and pernicious "pocket veto" of Chairman Campbell of the Committee on Rules, and thus defeated the WoodruffJohnson resolution for an investigation of the War and Navy Departments and the Alien Property Custodian.

That action was conclusive. It reassured and refortified the bosses. It meant safety for the big grafters. It fixed the responsibility squarely upon Congress.

Now Congressman Woodruff, of Michigan, has made a detailed indictment of corruption in the administrations of the Alien Property Custodian. He has demanded a specific investigation of those charges.

This last Woodruff resolution has passed into the hands of the Committee on Rules. That ends it.

more authority over the Committee on Rules than a Kansas farmer would have over a cyclone.

That body is supreme. It can tell the whole House to go to Hades whenever it pleases.

The looting of billions of public funds is not more menacing to the Republic than is this parliamentary system through which a half dozen bosses can assume and exercise absolute obstructive power.

It makes a farce of representative government. Nothing can be more deadly dangerous than that.

Keeping in mind its present indispensable usefulness to war grafters, let us analyze the unspeakable parliamentary situation with respect to the all-powerful Committee on Rules.

The House Cemetery

Every resolution providing for an investigation goes automatically to the Committee on Rules. If that body does not act voluntarily to report such matters to the House, there is no rule by which the majority can compel action. The Committee on Rules is a law unto itself, about as far removed from control by the House as though in no way a part of it.

When the House created this committee and adopted the present rules, it surrendered jurisdiction and authority over the most important issues.

For all other standing committees there is a "jokered," unworkable contrivance through which the House may theoretically exercise some measure of control. The "Calendar of Motions To Discharge Committees" exists for the purpose of compelling reluctant committees to report measures to the House. This parliamentary device is useless and ineffective, because that "calendar" is not reached in the order of business more than once in a generation. But even that questionable means of control does not apply to the Committee on Rules.

That unprecedented "pocket veto" performance was described in our last issue.

Then the Committee on Rules met and rescinded its action in ordering a report.

That left matters exactly as they stood at the beginning of the fight for an investigation. The resolution was pigeon-holed; no matter how great a majority of the House may have desired action, there was no parliamentary power applicable to the situa tion.

The resolution had gone to the morgue. There it would remain, unless its keepers took the initiative in resurrecting it.

That has happened to the latest Woodruff resolution for an investigation of the A. P. C. The Committee on Rules has it. The bosses of that body will do with it as they choose.

The Sources of Graft

In public importance, nothing that Congress is doing is comparable to what it is failing to do with reference to a disclosure and punishment of war graft. If the national government were honest and efficient, every department would now be devoted primarily to this task of doing justice to the tax-payers and restoring the morality of the nation.

So far little has been accomplished except the publicity that accompanied the fight in the House by Woodruff and Johnson.

That publicity will continue until public resentment becomes a storm. Nothing can stop it. The corruption is too widespread to be covered up. The Old Guard may stop a leak here or there; a break will come somewhere else. A rotten old automobile tire may be patched for a time, but sooner or later it will explode beyond repair.

It should be pointed out, however, that the trend of public thinking may have taken a wrong turn as a result of the Woodruff-Johnson resolution. That episode served to overemphasize the character and inactivities of the Attorney General.

Daugherty is important; but the public should not permit its attention to be distracted from the two chief sources of corruption and scandal-the War Department and the Alien Property Custodian.

The Woodruff Resolution

The Attorney General held the spotlight during and since the fight on the Woodruff-Johnson resolution. It happened naturally. About that time the notorious Morse case was debated day after day in the Senate. Daugherty's connection with the pardon of Morse was developed in detail. It was sensational. It monopolized so much of the news as was devoted to scandal.

Therefore, the Woodruff-Johnson disclosures were stressed by the press in their relations to Daughertyism.

Daughertyism needed public attention; but it tended to obscure the bigger and more important facts about graft in the War Department and the administration of the Alien Property Custodian.

Now Congressman Woodruff has dealt directly with one of these two chief sources of looting. He has introduced a resolution calling for a complete investigation of the affairs of the Alien Property Custodian's office under Palmer, Garvan and Miller.

On another page this resolution is given in full. Also portions of Woodruff's able speech in support of it.

will. No citizen can read it without reaching the inevitable conclusion that the indictment is true.

If the charges were false, Custodian Miller should be the first to appear before the Committee on Rules and demand a quick and complete investigation.

On the contrary, this official personally attempted to dissuade Woodruff from offering the resolution. The resolution itself tells an amazing story; but the speech of Woodruff goes farther. Together these documents appear unanswerable. Certainly the American people will never be satisfied until every accusation has been probed to the very bottom.

No grand jury in the land could fail to return indictments on the evidence presented, yet in all probability the House will do as it did with the WoodruffJohnson resolution-refuse to investigate.

The Graft Protectors

Whatever the motive of the politicians of Congress in keeping the lid on corruption, whether it be a desire to shield friends, to prevent revelations which would prove disastrous to party interests, or some other reason, the people should defeat every member who has not taken a stand for publicity and punishment of the big war grafters.

In the last Searchlight we published the roll call through which a majority of the House defeated the original Woodruff-Johnson resolution by voting to sustain Speaker Gillett's ruling that Chairman Campbell of the Committee on Rules could "pocket veto" that demand for an investigation.

We said then, and repeat now, that no Congressman who then voted with the Campbell-Gillett-Mondell machine should be reelected.

That crucial roll call is here given again. The "yeas" were for the "pocket veto," thus defeating the general investigation, as follows:

ALABAMA-Nays, Almon, Bankhead, Bowling, Huddleston, McDuffie, Oliver, Steagall, Tyson. Not Voting, Jeffers, Rainey. ARIZONA-Not Voting, Hayden.

ARKANSAS-Nays, Jacoway, Parks, Tillman, Wingo. Not Voting, Driver, Oldfield, Taylor

CALIFORNIA-Yeas, Barbour, Curry, Lineberger, Osborne. Nays, Lea, Nolan, Raker, Swing. Not Voting, Free, Kahn.

COLORADO-Yeas, Hardy, Timberlake. Not Voting, Taylor, Vaile. CONNECTICUT-Yeas, Fenn, Freeman, Glynn. Not Voting, Merritt,

Tilson.

DELAWARE-Not Voting, Layton.

FLORIDA-Not Voting, Clark, Drane, Sears, Smithwick. GEORGIA-Nays, Bell, Crisp, Lankford, Larsen, Overstreet, Park, Upshaw, Vinson, Wise, Wright. Not Voting, Brand, Lee. IDAHO-Yea, Smith. Not Voting, French.

ILLINOIS-Yeas, Brooks, Cannon, Chindblom, Fuller, Gorman, Graham, Madden, Shaw, Sproul, Wheeler, Yates. Nays, Funk, King. Not Voting. Britten, Copley, Denison, Ireland, Kunz, McKenzie, Mann, Michaelson, Moore, Rainey, Rodenberg, Sabath, Williams.

INDIANA-Yeas, Benham, Elliott, Fairfield, Hickey, Luhring, Moores, Purnell. Not Voting, Bland, Dunbar, Kraus, Sanders, Vestal, Wood. IOWA-Yeas, Green, Hull, Ramseyer, Towner. Not Voting, Boies, Cole, Dickinson, Dowell, Haugen, Kopp, Sweet.

KANSAS-Yeas, Anthony, Bird, Campbell, Hoch, Little, Tincher, White. Not Voting, Strong.

KENTUCKY-Yeas, Ogden, Robsion. Nays, Gilbert, Johnson, Thomas. Not Votiny, Barkley, Cantrill, Fields, Kincheloe, Langley, Rouse. LOUISIANA-Nays, Aswell, Dupre, Favrot, Lazaro, Martin, O'Connor, Sandlin, Wilson.

MAINE-Yeas, Beedy, Hersey, Nelson, White.

MARYLAND-Yeas, Blakeney, Hill. Nay, Zihlman, Not Voting, Goldsborough, Linthicum, Mudd.

MASSACHUSETTS-Yeas, Dallinger, Greene, Luce, Underhill, Walsh, Winslow. Not Voting. Andrew, Frothingham, Gallivan, Gillett, Maloney. Paige, Rogers, Tague, Tinkham, Treadway.

MICHIGAN-Yeas, Brennan, Ketcham, McLaughlin, Mapes, Michener, Smith. Nays, James, Woodruff. Not Voting, Codd, Cramton, Fordney, Kelley, Scott.

MINNESOTA-Yeas, Larson, Newton, Schall, Steenerson, Volstead. Nays, Clague, Keller. Not Voting, Anderson, Davis, Knutson.

MISSISSIPPI-Nays. Collier, Humphreys, Johnson, Lowrey, Rankin, Quin. Not Voting, Collins, Sisson.

MISSOURI-Yeas, Dyer, Ellis, Faust, Hukriede, Lawrence, Millspaugh, Patterson, Roach, Shelton. Nays, Hawes, Newton, Rucker. Not Voting. Atkeson, Hays, McPherson, Rhodes.

NEW MEXICO-Yea, Montoya.

NEW YORK-Yeas, Ansorge, Chandler, Crowther, Hicks, Hogan, Husted, Kissell, Kline, Lee, MacGregor, Magee, Mott, Parker, Reed, Rossdale, Snell. Nays, Carew, Cullen, Fish, London, Mead. Not Voting, Bond, Cockran, Clarke, Dempsey, Dunn, Fairchild, Gould, Griffin, Henry, Kindred, Mills, Perlman, Petersen, Riordan, Ryan, Sanders, Siegel, Snyder, Sullivan, Ten Eyke, Volk, Ward.

NORTH CAROLINA-Nays, Bulwinkle, Doughton, Hammer, Lyon, Pou, Stedman, Ward, Weaver. Not Voting, Kitchin.

NORTH DAKOTA-Yeas, Burtness, Young. Nay, Sinclair. OHIO-Yeas, Begg, Burton, Cable, Chalmers, Cooper, Foster, Kearns, Longworth, Morgan, Norton, Ricketts, Speaks, Stephens, Thompson. Nays, Gahn. Not Voting, Cole, Fess, Fitzgerald, Himes, Knight, Moore, Murphy. OKLAHOMA-Yeas, Pringey, Robertson. Nays, Carter, Gensman, Herrick, McClintic, Swank. Not Voting, Chandler.

OREGON-Yeas, Hawley, Sinnott. Not Voting, McArthur. PENNSYLVANIA-Yeas, Crago, Bixler, Campbell, Darrow, Edmonds, Gernerd, Kelley, Kline, Morin, Porter, Rose, Temple, Wyant. Nay, Burke. Not Voting, Brooks, Butler, Connell, Connolly, Coughlin, Focht, Graham, Griest, Jones, Kendall, Kiess, Kirkpatrick, Kreider, McFadden, McLaughlin, Ransley, Reber, Shreve, Strong, Vare, Walters, Watson.

RHODE ISLAND-Yea, Burdick. Not Voting, Kennedy, Stiness. SOUTH CAROLINA-Nays, Byrnes, Dominick, Fulmer, Logan, McSwain, Stevenson. Not Voting, Stoll.

SOUTH DAKOTA-Nays, Christopherson, Johnson, Williamson. TENNESSEE-Yeas, Brown, Clouse. Nays, Byrns, Davis, Fisher, Reece, Scott. Not Voting, Garrett, Padgett, Taylor.

TEXAS-Yea, Wurzbach. Nays, Black, Blanton, Box, Briggs, Buchanan, Connolly, Garrett, Garner, Hardy, Lanham, Sanders, Summers, Williams. Not Voting, Hudspeth, Jones, Mansfield, Rayburn.

In this connection, and it illustrates the point, Congressman Voigt, of Wisconsin, has been making himself unpopular, not with the people, but among the bosses and their retainers in the House.

He introduced a resolution for an inquiry into the patronage methods of the Old Guard in his State and has been staging a one-man filibuster to force the Committee on Rules to act upon it.

Voigt is not a machine man. He is fearlessly independent and progressive. As a punishment and for disciplinary purposes, the administration took away his patronage.

Voigt rebelled, because of the principle involved. For several days he forced the "leaders" to keep a quorum and otherwise made trouble for the system.

Requests

House is done by "unanimous consent." for "time," for "leave-to-print" undelivered speeches, and most routine matters are disposed of "without objection," and, of course, without a quorum.

If every action were forced to a vote with a quorum present, the power of the bosses would be broken in a few weeks, perhaps days. The system would be paralyzed.

Therefore, if the few real friends of the people were to take the position, as they should, that the investigation and punishment of war grafters was the all-important public business which should be given first consideration, and block everything else through a filibuster until that were done, results would be swift and sure.

The country would applaud and approve such an effort.

"Three weeks ago the Committee on Rules, of which the gentleman from Kansas is chairman, adopted a resolution introduced by the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Woodruff) to create a committee for an investigation of the War Department, the Department of Justice, including the Alien Property Custodian Department. The deciding vote on that resolution was cast by the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Campbell), the chairman of the committee. It did not originate with Democrats.

"Here is the Democratic position about this matter: It has been stated again and again. The Democrats have not cared to initiate a congressional investigation to embarrass the administration in any way, but they have been and are now willing to acquiesce in an investigation, and the Democratic administration never at any time has resisted an investigation.

"Mr. Speaker, I happen to have been through some of these investigations somewhat intimately, and I want to state now-I want it to go down into the Record for whatever it may be worth-that never at any time during the Democratic administration did there ever come from any person, in a place of high responsibility, any Cabinet officer, the suggestion that there ought not to be an investigation of expenditures. Nor did any such suggestion ever come from any person in that administration who had any discretion in dealing with matters. No resistence was had here when you undertook to create a committee, and did create a committee, of the most intensely partisan character for the purpose of investigation; but you have now a situation which, if I am correctly informed, is such that the Attorney General of the United States has, somehow, in some way, induced the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Campbell), chairman of the Committee on Rules, to change his vote and vote not to investigate his department. (Applause on the Democratic side.) The gentleman from Kansas, with whom I

am personally friendly, now arises here on the floor and as an excuse for his own turn-coating, for his own weakness of will, for his own lack of intellectual integrity and courage, assails the Democratic administration and refuses to yield to a courteous inquiry as to what individual he would attack."

Congressman Moore of Virginia, another able Democrat, did not mince words in his characteriza

Moore Is Mad

tion of the conduct of "Pocket Veto" Campbell, who had himself voted to report the WoodruffJohnson resolution and then refused to give the House an opportunity to act upon it.

"He (Campbell)," said Mr. Moore, "is in the attitude today of that rather unadmirable individual in Bunyon's Pilgrims Progress, Mr. Facing-bothways."

This declaration by Moore was not very reassuring to the Old Guard machine:

"When I have the time and strength, not as a partisan but as an American citizen and Representative and as an American lawyer, I am going to discuss the record of the Attorney General since he took office. If the opportunity is afforded me, I shall undertake to show that his conduct is unparalleled so far in the history of the Department of Justice, and that if there ever was an official anywhere who ought to court investigation, if innocent, and, if guilty, ought to be brought to the bar of the Senate, it is the Attorney General; and when I deal with the subject I shall not confine myself altogether to the war-fraud cases, so called, but shall include cases which have arisen since the close of the war."

Nor was this promise of a fight to break the boss power of the Rules Committee. Said Moore:

"I can only say one further thing this morning, that I am about to offer a resolution which will not call for the investigation of anybody or any department, but indicate how the House ought to save itself the privilege of passing upon resolutions that are adopted by the Rules Committee and not be compelled to allow them to remain indefinitely in the pocket of the gentleman from Kansas weeks and months after his committee has directed them to be reported." (Applause)

On June 2, 1922, the Senate acted upon the army appropriation bill. Among the increases it voted was one for the Chemical WarFunds For fare Section, which, of course, Poison Gas means poison gas. The House had voted $500,000 for this purpose; the Senate added $250,000. The roll call upon the amendment increasing this "poison gas" item from $500,000 to $750,000 was as follows:

Yeas-Ashurst, Ball, Brandegee, Bursum, Calder, Cameron, Culberson, Curtis, Dillingham, Ernst, France, Frelinghuysen, Gooding, Hale, Harreld, Harris, Kellogg, Ladd, Lenroot, Lodge, McCumber, McKinley, McLean, McNary, Myers, Nelson, New, Newberry, Nicholson, Oddie, Page, Pepper, Phipps, Poindexter, Ransdell, Rawson, Sheppard, Shortridge, Smoot, Spencer, Sterling, Sutherland, Townsend, Wadsworth, Warren, Watson, Indiana-46.

Nays-Borah, Capper, Caraway, Cummins, Dial, Glass, Harrison, Heflin, Hitchcock, Jones, N. Mex.; Kendrick, King, LaFollette, Norris, Pomerene, Robinson, Simmons, Smith, Underwood, Walsh, Mass.; Watson, Ga.; Willis-22.

Not Voting-Broussard, Colt, Crow, duPont, Edge, Elkins, Fernald, Fletcher. Gerry, Johnson, Jones, Wash.; Keyes, McCormick, McKellar, Moses, Norbeck, Overman, Owen, Pittman, Reed, Shields, Stanfield, Stanley, Swanson, Trammell, Walsh, Mont.; Weller, Williams-28.

In this connection, Borah charged that both the spirit and purpose of the "disarmament" conference were being violated by the United States and other nations in their recent activities along "poison gas" lines. He read from press dispatches as follows:

"Nations of the world, no less than seven of them, have sought information from the United States on the manufacture of poison gas since the armament conference here drafted a treaty to outlaw chemical warfare. Information to this effect was verified yesterday at the War Department.

"Chemical-warfare experts of the British Army, who have recently concluded a course of study at the American Army chemical-warfare headquarters at Edgewood Arsenal, Md., it is learned, make no secret of the fact that the British Government intends to continue full speed ahead its research work in connection with the use of gas in warfare, notwithstanding the treaty which already has been ratified by the United States Senate."

"We ratified it in great haste, because we were told that the whole world was impatiently waiting for the United States to take the first step toward world peace and that as soon as we should act the other nations of the world would be glad to follow. After we ratified the treaties they passed into the pigeonholes of the foreign nations and have never been heard from since. Neither France, Great Britain nor Japan has seen fit to take up these treaties even for consideration.

"This particular clause which I have just read has nothing to do with anything contained in this bill, of course, but there is a clause in this treaty which seems to me relevant for discussion, and that is article 5 of the same treaty:

The use in war of asphyxiating, poisonous, or other gases, and all analogous liquids, materials, or devices having been justly condemned by the general opinion of the civilized world and the prohibition of such use having been declared in treaties to which a majority of the civilized powers are parties. The signatory powers, to the end that this prohibition shall be universally accepted as a part of international law binding alike the conscience and practice of nations, declare their assent to such prohibition, agree to be bound thereby as between themselves and to invite all other civilized nations to adhere thereto.

"If this meant anything at all it meant that the signatories to this treaty were determined to take the first step toward the limiting of the use of inoxious gases in warfare.

"Since the adjournment of the disarmament conference the movement, not only in this country but in Japan, Great Britain and France, has been such as to practically destroy the beneficial results of the disarmament conference. I entertained no doubt at the time that some movement would be made in that direction, but I had no idea that they would move so rapidly as they have in the last few months. If you will survey the budgets of the other powers with reference to these particular in