most part are drawn from the monasteries. That me of course, that for the great body of parish priests t is no hope of advancement, and, on the other hand, the bishops are drawn from just that section of clergy which is least in touch with the life of the pe It is not possible to say how this problem will be so in the future, but we believe it is having the anx attention of the wiser members of the Eastern Churc

It is interesting to notice that the first step tow the revival of the Church of Greece was the foundat in 1822, by the English philhellene Lord Guilford the Ionian Academy at Corfu, with a theological fac which gave the first impulse to the revival of theolog studies in modern Greece. The Ionian Islands have b the pioneer in the Greek intellectual renaissance. T have produced distinguished divines, famous preach and erudite theologians. In the days of the degrada of the Greek priesthood, the clergy of the Ionian Isla were conspicuous for refinement; and religious m and art have been developed there on lines of w marked originality.

Beyond these aims, there are others of still w scope. At present, in the Kingdom of Greece, there two Synods working independently, one for Old Gre another at Salonika for the newly acquired provin while the Metropolitan of Crete is also independ This is apparently due to the recent political event Greece, which for a time split the country into two, to the disturbances caused by the war, which left time for the formalities necessary in order to detach new provinces from the jurisdiction of the Patriarch Constantinople. But there is a good deal of hesitat about separating these new provinces from the ecumen Patriarchate; and many would aim at making the nexion between the Church of Old Greece and Patriarchate of Constantinople much closer than it is

All these movements in the Eastern Church have b associated with a development of interest in this coun In all parts of the East efforts are being made to prom more friendly relations with the Church of England. the period before the War there was a considera rapprochement between the Russian and the Eng

Churches. There were visits of English bishops to Russia; and much work was done by the late Mr W. J. Birkbeck, whose untimely death was a serious loss to the cause of reunion.

The relations between the southern branch of the Church and this country take two forms. One is a desire that theological students from those countries should be able to come to England instead of going to Germany to complete their education. The interesting and, so far as can be judged, successful experiment made in relation to Serbia has been described. Recently a desire for similar facilities has been expressed by representatives of the Rumanian Church. One of the aims of the Archbishop of Athens, on his visit to England, was to secure an interchange of students with this country. A proposal has definitely been put forward that there should be an English theologian teaching Anglican theology in the University of Athens; and a sum of money has been allocated for this purpose. A desire has been expressed that a similar position should be assigned to a Greek theologian in Oxford.

Still more remarkable, perhaps, are the serious efforts which are being made for intercommunion and reunion between the two Churches. It is most significant that this should be proposed by representatives of the Eastern Churches. This is not the moment to discuss minutely the theological differences between the two religious bodies. The differences are those of temperament and history rather than of doctrine; the points upon which they agree far outweigh those upon which they differ; and the time demands that there should be more religious union between the nations. The world is looking forward to the establishment of a system of International Law, to a League of Nations, to the substitution of order, civilisation, arbitration for the horrors of war; but no such league will be possible unless there is a spiritual basis upon which it can be erected. If there is to be a commercial, economic, and political union between the peoples of the world, there must also be a religious union. We Christians must realise the paramount duty of exhibiting, not only as individuals but also as nations, the Christian duty of brotherly love, and should blazon before the world our union as followers of

Jesus Christ rather than exaggerate the many m doctrinal and philosophical points by which Chur and nations have been divided. It is for that re that every thoughtful person must welcome the d for Christian reunion between the various Church the West that are separated from Rome, between Church of England and the Churches of the East, must look forward to the vision of a united Christia which will embrace East and West in one fold.

But at the present moment these ideals of reu are intimately associated with a desire, as reasonab it is natural, on the part of the Greek Church for recovery to Christianity of the great Church of St Sop The immediate political future of Constantinople be profoundly difficult to settle. We do not believe it is wise to hasten too rapidly the realisation of natural hopes which the victory over Turkey in this has aroused. Let the full fruits of victory come slo The actual scheme for the government of Constantin may perhaps rightly represent some spirit of compron only there must be for the Eastern Christians throu out the Eastern world full liberty and power of expression. But let this liberty be associated with return to the worship of Christ of the great Cathe which Justinian built, whose walls for so many centu echoed to the sound of Christian worship, where g councils of the Church have been held. It would be act of justice and of reparation, for to its buildings Moslem can make any claim on the grounds of hist or right; what was won by conquest may be lost defeat. In those walls let a Council of Eastern Christi reform, re-organise and repair the breaches in t Church, and let a Council of East and West proclaim Unity of Christendom.

ARTHUR C. HEADLAN

Art. 8. PRESIDENTIAL

UNITED STATES.

DICTATORSHIP IN THE

1. Congressional Government: A Study in American Politics. By Woodrow Wilson. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1885.

2. An Old Master, and other Political Essays. By Woodrow Wilson. New York: Scribner, 1893. 3. Constitutional Government in the United States. By Woodrow Wilson. New York: Columbia University Press, 1908.

4. The President's Control of Foreign Relations. By Edward S. Corwin. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1917. 5. The Congressional Record, Sixty-fifth Congress, First and Second Sessions (April 2, 1917-Nov. 21, 1918).

'An acute English historical scholar has said that "the Americans of the United States are a nation because they once obeyed a king"; we shall remain a nation only by obeying leaders.'-WOODROW WILSON (1889).

Ir has for many months been increasingly evident that this war will profoundly modify the political institutions of the countries engaged in it. The changed character of the British Cabinet, both in composition and responsibility, the decreased importance of Parliament, the influence of the press, the separation of executive and legislative authority to the extent that the Prime Minister does not lead the Commons, the extension of the suffrage, and the institution of an Imperial War Cabinet, which, as Sir Robert Borden said, marked the dawning of a new era' and the writing of a 'new page of history'-these were transformations which could take place only in a governmental system as flexible as that of England. In the United States the rigidity of a written Constitution, maintained during the war, prevents political rearrangements so far-reaching as these; yet the American system of government has already undergone some substantial modifications in the direction of further federal aggrandisement at the expense of State rights, and an increase in executive authority which makes the President of the United States the most powerful ruler in the world. He is the elect of a hundred million people, and acts as their representative;

and, except by the cumbersome and almost impossib method of impeachment, he cannot be turned out unt his term of office has expired. It is no exaggeratio to say that he possesses powers greater for good or than those of any man living. He controls the econom life of the American people and the armed forces the States that have proved to be a decisive factor in th struggle for the preservation of liberty; he is virtuall the irresponsible and, if he desires, the unadvise dictator of American foreign policy; and the Entent Allies have shown their willingness to follow him in hi expression of their aims. The prosecution of the wa and the conclusion of peace have been in a large measur committed to him. The fact that President Wilso considers himself but the servant of the American peopl and the instrument for the expression of their desire makes this description of his powers not the less tru but simply less alarming.

It was the intention of the framers of the America Constitution to parcel out authority and to create system of checks and balances so that no one branch of the Government should become too powerful. I there,' John Adams asked, 'a Constitution upon record more complicated with balances than ours?' The States and Territories were balanced against the national government; the federal legislature was bi-cameral; the chief of the executive acted as a third branch in tha he could by his veto require a two-thirds vote, yet he was checked by the prerogative of the Senate to approve appointments, and by the exclusive control of Congress over the national purse. These were only some of the balances that Mr Adams enumerated; they were a 'complicated refinement,' he said, 'an invention of our own and peculiar to us.' So complicated, indeed, were they, that, if rigidly adhered to, the governmental system thus created would have been unworkable; and they have of necessity been modified in practice. Even so, the United States has suffered more than the apparently inevitable delays and dissensions incident to the mobilisation of a democracy for a great struggle. Division of authority and concealment of responsibility,' as Mr Wilson said while a professor of politics, ' are calculated