of October, Germany, Austria-Hungary and Turkey appealed separately to President Wilson to use his influence to arrange for a general armistice, to be followed by a peace based on the fourteen points of hismessage to Congress on Jan. 8, 1918.

For Austria this was a step of far-reaching conse quence. One of Wilson's points (viz. the tenth) insiste that the congeries of nations-Poles, Czechs, Germans Roumanians, Jugo-Slavs and Italians-embraced in the Austrian Empire should have full opportunity to develop themselves on their own national lines. This clearl meant that Austria was to be turned into a federa state; but whether the Empire itself would survive th centrifugal forces thus set loose was the doubtful point. Anyhow, if peace, which was the all-important question, was to be had, it could only be obtained on these terms Accordingly, while Germany was haggling, the Empero of Austria collected the opinions of the nationalis. leaders with the intention of forming a Concentra tion Ministry,' in which all parties would be repre sented. But, not to mention the Poles, who had alread begun to gravitate towards Warsaw, neither the Czech nor South-Slavs, nor German Social Democrats woul have anything to say to the plan. In particular, th Czechs were strongly averse to the proposal. We,' the said, ‘and we alone will decide our future, and we wil stand no interference from either Vienna or Buda-Pest At the same time the German Nationalists declared fo a close union with Germany.

Since Stürghk's murder, Ministry had Ministry had followe Ministry in rapid succession-Körber, Clam-Martinie Seidler, Hussarek. It fell to the last-mentioned and Baron Burian to prepare for the change of Austria int a federal state; and on Oct. 18 an imperial manifest appeared, calling on the different parties to give expres sion to their desire for national autonomy within the limits prescribed by the Pragmatic Sanction. The Germans were the first to take advantage of the permission; and on Oct. 21 a full assembly of the German members of the House of Commons-more than 200 in number-met in the historic Land-house of Lower Austria in the Herrengasse and constituted itself a provisional National Assembly for German Austria. The

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first business of the Assembly, after electing three presidents, Dinghofer, Fink, and Seitz, to represent the three principal parties-Nationalists, Christian Socialists and Social Democrats-was to determine the geographical limits of the new state and to appoint a number of committees, divided into three groups under the three presidents, to take steps for effecting a speedy peace, to make arrangements for the election of a National Assembly, and to adopt measures for provisioning the people.

Meanwhile Parliament continued its sittings; but its proceedings attracted little attention, and the MinisterPresident explained his views on the situation to empty benches. The question on everybody's lips was, what answer would come from President Wilson. The answer came; but the explanation, that since Jan. 8, 1918, events had occurred to cause a radical alteration in the situation and to affect the responsibility of the United States' Government towards its Allies, was a great disappointment. Things were growing dangerous both in Germany and Austria owing to the combined offensive of the Allies. For Austria the situation was complicated by the separatist policy of the Hungarian Government and the action of the Poles and Ukranians in establishing independent ministries of their own. Of the disruption of the Empire there could be no doubt; the future position of the Emperor was not so clear.

Towards the end of October Burian was succeeded at the Foreign Office by Count Andrassy; and, about the same time, Prof. Lammasch succeeded Hussarek as Minister-President. It was said that Lammasch's business was to arrange for the transference of the Government to the separate national states in accordance with the terms of the imperial manifesto; Andrassy's mission was to save the Crown and dynasty by effecting an immediate armistice at all costs. Accordingly, on Oct. 27, a formal application was made by him in the name of the Austro-Hungarian Government to President Wilson, desiring him to negotiate for a separate armistice, on the ground that all the conditions demanded by him, especially in regard to the Czechs and South-Slavs, had been complied with. It was urged in defence of this separate action on the part of Austria-Hungary that it was necessitated by Wilson's refusal to treat with the

Central Powers and Turkey en bloc; but the step caused great indignation in Germany and among the German Nationalists in Austria.

The fact was so self-evident that, at its second meeting on Oct. 30, the provisional National Assembly, while protesting against Andrassy's 'presumption' in speaking for German Austria without consulting the National Assembly, practically endorsed his policy by addressing a long note to President Wilson, in which, after narrating the course of events since the first meeting of the Assembly, he was solicited to take steps to secure general armistice in order that opportunity may b afforded us to enter into direct negotiations with th other nations so as to secure to each, at the Peac Congress, its full freedom on a durable basis.' Thi business out of the way, the Assembly proceeded to provide German Austria with a constitution. Beginning by constituting itself the Provisional Government of the new state, the Assembly next appointed a standing com mittee called a Council of State (Staatsrat), consisting o the three presidents and twenty members, to carry of the government and to represent German Austria in it relations with the other states of the Empire and othe countries. Being a representative and consultative rathe than an executive body, the Council of State was t entrust the actual work of government to a number o Commissioners or Deputies (Beauftragten). Each of thes Commissioners was to preside over a separate Office o State (Staatsamt), e.g. for foreign affairs, the army, th interior, education, justice, railways, finance, etc. Hi title was to be that of Secretary; and each and all thes Secretaries was to be responsible to the Council of State and the National Assembly.

It was still undecided what form-monarchical o republican the new State would take. Events ha followed each other with such bewildering rapidity that no one at the moment knew with whom (Emperor of Parliament or National Assembly) the government of the country actually rested. The question suddenly became a matter of great importance. On Nov. 2 the Council of State received a summons to attend the Emperor, and heard from him that, in consequence of the collapse of the Italian front, he was compelled to conclude an

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ep armistice, but was unwilling to take that step without G the assent of the Council. At the same time he com

municated the terms on which the armistice was to be nd obtained. To this communication the Council replied that, as the late Emperor Francis Joseph had begun the pwar without consulting the representative assembly of the Empire, and his successor, the reigning Emperor, had continued it likewise without consulting the people the Council could take upon itself no responsibility for its disastrous issue. Every effort to induce the Council to alter its decision failed; and the armistice was signed in the name of the Emperor by the CommanderChief, Field-Marshal Kövess.

the Next day the conditions of the armistice were made public. Consternation was written on every man's face e he read them. After the years of successful conquest and of heroic defence it was unbearable to have to recognise the stern fact of ultimate and irretrievable defeat, Ja victis! If any nation ever felt the meaning of these Words, it was the Austrian at this moment. The anger gainst the Hungarian Government that had given the gnal for disruption by recalling its forces on the front in the very hour of greatest danger was fierce beyond Beseription. But at the moment there were other things to think of. With an army of several millions in a state of absolute disorganisation, deprived of its leaders, who, in only too many cases took advantage of the brief pause, used by the enemy having to cross the Piave, to consult heir own safety, there was no saying what might appen; and the following week was one of great nxiety to the new government.

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Fortunately Vienna remained quiet; and, as the eaten army passed through the city on its way northards and eastwards, most of the soldiers were quietly armed. Strange scenes occurred at the railway tations where muskets and even machine-guns, proisions, clothes and all sorts of miscellaneous articles, rere to be had for a few kronen. Unfortunately many yeapons and much ammunition remained unaccounted or; but on the whole things passed off fairly quietly.

The collapse of the Austrian front naturally constited a grave danger for Germany; and instant efforts vere taken by the latter to form a new line of defence

by directing troops from Bavaria into Tirol and Bohemia The Council of State in Vienna entered a formal protes against this proceeding; but in Nationalist circles th action of Germany was regarded with tacit approva Fortunately the German occupation was of no lon duration. Under pressure of its own internal trouble and the continued advance of the Allies, Germany w compelled to abandon the struggle; and on Nov. 8 th German Commander-in-Chief opened up communicatio with Marshal Foch for an armistice. Next day th Emperor William fled, and the Socialists of Germandeclared for a Republic. It was hoped that easier tern would thereby be obtained from the Allies. These hop were doomed to disappointment. If the terms exacte from Austria had been hard, those exacted from German were simply appalling to the Viennese. But the Alli were masters of the situation; and forty-eight hou afterwards the armistice was signed.

We are not here particularly concerned with German The Emperor of Austria was the first to draw the co clusion arising from the failure of the war policy inst tuted under his predecessor. He had begun his reig with an earnest endeavour for peace; but his effor had been frustrated by William II and the General Sta in Berlin. Until the appointment of Lammasch he ha been badly advised. He was a young man, without ar experience and but newly married. His wife, being Italian princess, had suffered with him, and everybod was sorry for him. On Nov. 11 he announced his abd cation. In communicating the fact to the Council State the Minister-President stated that it was the wis of the ex-emperor to take up his residence in Austria and, his wish being complied with, he retired to h castle of Eckartsau on the Danube. On the followin day German Austria was publicly proclaimed a republic ROBERT DUNLOP.

Vienna, Dec. 9, 1918.