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The three and twentieth the Northeast part of the Island of Corvo bare off us East and by South sixe leagues off.

The 17 of September we met with a ship of Plimouth that came out of the West Indies, but she could tell us no newes. The next day we had sight of another sayle, this day also one of our company named M. Wood died.

The 23 we spake with the Dragon of my Lord of Cumberland, whereof Master Ivie was Maister.

The second of October we met with a ship of Newcastle which came from Newfoundland, and out of her we had 300 couple of Newland fish.

The 6 we had sight of Sillie, and with raine and winde we were forced to put into S. Maries sound, where we staied all night, and 4 dayes after.

The II we set saile againe, and comming out had three fadom upon the barre at a high water, then we lay out Southeast, through Crow-sand, and shortly after we had sight of the lands end, and at ten of the clocke we were thwart of the Lysart.

The 13 we were put into Dartmouth, and there we stayd untill the 12 of December. From thence we put out with the winde at West, and the 18 of December, God be praised, we ankered at Limehouse in the Thames, where we discharged 589 sacks of Pepper, 150 Elephants teeth, and 32 barrels of oile of Palme trees.

The commodities that we caried out this second voyage were Broad cloth, Kersies, Bayes, Linnen cloth, Yron unwrought, Bracelets of Copper, Corall, Hawks belles, Horsetailes, Hats, and such like.

This voyage was more comfortable unto us then the first, because we had good store of fresh water, and that very sweet for as yet we have very good water in the shippe which we brought out of the river of Benin the first day of Aprill 1591. and it is at this day (being the 7 of June 1592.) to be seen aboord the ship as cleare and as sweet as any fountaine can yeeld.

In this voiage we sailed 350 leagues within halfe a degree of the equinoctiall line, and there we found it. more temperate, then where we rode. And under the line wee did kill great store of small Dolphines, and many other good fishes, and so did we all the way, which was a very great refreshing unto us, and the fish never forsooke us, until we were to the Northwards of the Ilands

of Azores, and then we could see no more fish, but God be thanked wee met with good company of our countrey ships which were great comfort unto us, being five moneths before at Sea without any companie.

By me James Welsh master of the Richard

of Arundell, in both these voyages to the river of Benin.

A true discourse written (as is thought) by Colonel Antonie Winkfield emploied in the voiage to Spaine and Portugall, 1589. sent to his particular friend, & by him published for the better satisfaction of all such as having bene seduced by particular report, have entred into conceits tending to the discredite of the enterprise and Actors of the same.

ALTHOUGH the desire of advancing my reputation caused me to withstand the many perswasions you used to hold me at home, & the pursute of honorable actions drew me (contrary to your expectation) to neglect that advise, which in love I know you gave me yet in respect of the many assurances you have yeelded mee of your kindest friendship, I cannot suspect that you will either love or esteeme me the lesse, at this my returne: and therfore I wil not omit any occasion which may make me appeare thankfull, or discharge any part of that duetie I owe you; which now is none other then to offer you a true discourse how these warres of Spaine and Portugall have passed since our going out of England the 18 of Aprill, till our returne which was the first of July. Wherein I wil (under your favourable pardon) for your further satisfaction, as well make relation of those reasons which confirmed me in my purpose of going abroad, as of these accidents which have happened during our aboad there; thereby hoping to perswade you that no light fansie did drawe me from the fruition of your dearest friendship, but an earnest desire, by following the warres to make my selfe more woorthy of the same.

Having therefore determinately purposed to put on this habite of a souldier, I grew doubtfull whether to employ my time in ye wars of the low Countries, which are in auxiliarie maner maintained by her majestie, or to folow the fortune of this voiage, which was an adventure of her and many honorable personages, in revenge of unsupportable wrongs offered unto the estate of our countrey

by the Castilian king: in arguing whereof, I find that by how much the chalenger is reputed before the defendant, by so much is the journey to be preferred before those defensive wars. For had the duke of Parma his turne bene to defend, as it was his good fortune to invade : from whence could have proceeded that glorious honor which these late warres have laid upon him, or what could have bene said more of him, then of a Respondent (though never so valiant) in a private Duell? Even, that he hath done no more then by his honour he was tied unto. For the gaine of one towne or any small defeat giveth more renoume to the Assailant, then the defence of a countrey, or the withstanding of twentie encounters can yeeld any man who is bound by his place to guard the same: whereof as well the particulars of our age, especially in the Spaniard, as the reports of former histories may assure us, which have still laied the fame of all warres upon the Invader. And do not ours in these dayes live obscured in Flanders, either not having wherewithall to manage any warre, or not putting on armes, but to defend themselves when the enemie shall procure them? Whereas in this short time of our Adventure, we have won a towne by escalade, battred & assaulted another, overthrowen a mightie princes power in the field, landed our armie in 3 several places of his kingdom, marched 7 dayes in the heart of his country, lien three nights in the suburbs of his principall citie, beaten his forces into the gates thereof, and possessed two of his frontier Forts, as shall in discourse thereof more particularly appeare: whereby I conclude, that going with an Invader, and in such an action as every day giveth new experience, I have much to vaunt of, that my fortune did rather cary me thither then into the wars of Flanders. Notwithstanding the vehement perswasions you used with me to the contrary, the grounds whereof sithence you received them from others, you must give me leave to acquaint you with the error you were led into by them, who labouring to bring the world into an opinion that it stood more with the safetie of our estate to bend all our forces against the Prince of Parma, then to folow this action by looking into the true effects of this journey, will judicially convince themselves of mistaking the matter. For, may the conquest of these countries against the prince of Parma be thought more easie for us alone

now, then the defence of them was 11 yeeres agoe, with the men and money of the Queene of England? the power of the Monsieur of France? the assistance of the principal states of Germanie? and the nobilitie of their owne country? Could not an armie of more then 20000 horse, & almost 30000 foot, beat Don John de Austria out of the countrey, who was possessed of a very few frontier townes? & shall it now be laid upon her majesties shoulders to remoove so mightie an enemie, who hath left us but 3 whole parts of 17 unconquered? It is not a journey of a few moneths, nor an auxiliarie warre of few yeeres that can damnifie the king of Spaine in those places where we shall meet at every 8 or 10 miles end with a towne, which will cost more the winning then will yeerely pay 4 or 5 thousand mens wages, where all the countrey is quartered by rivers which have no passage unfortified, and where most of the best souldiers of Christendom that be on our adverse party be in pension. But our armie, which hath not cost her majestie much above the third part of one yeres expenses in the Low countries, hath already spoiled a great part of the provision he had made at the Groine of all sortes, for a new voyage into England; burnt 3 of his ships, wherof one was ye second in the last yeres expedition called S. Juan de Colorado, taken from him above 150 pieces of good artillerie; cut off more then 60 hulks and 20 French ships wel manned fit and readie to serve him for men of war against us, laden for his store with corne, victuals, masts, cables and other marchandizes; slaine and taken the principal men of war he had in Galitia; made Don Pedro Enriques de Gusman, Conde de Fuentes, Generall of his forces in Portugall, shamefully run at Peniche; laid along of his best Commanders in Lisbon; and by these few adventures discovered how easily her majestie may without any great adventure in short time pull the Tirant of the world upon his knees, as wel by the disquieting his usurpation of Portugall as without difficultie in keeping the commoditie of his Indies from him, by sending an army so accomplished, as may not be subject to those extremities which we have endured: except he draw, for those defences, his forces out of the Low countries and disfurnish his garisons of Naples & Milan, which with safetie of those places he may not do. And yet by this meane he shall rather be inforced thereunto, then by any force that can be used

there against him: wherefore I directly conclude that this proceeding is the most safe and necessary way to be held against him, and therefore more importing then the war in the Low countries. Yet hath the journey (I know) bene much misliked by some, who either thinking too worthily of the Spaniards valure, too indifferently of his purposes against us, or too unworthily of them that undertooke this journey against him, did thinke it a thing dangerous to encounter the Spaniard at his owne home, a thing needlesse to proceed by invasion against him, a thing of too great moment for two subjects of their qualitie to undertake: And therfore did not so advance the beginnings as though they hoped for any good successe

thereof.

The chances of wars be things most uncertaine : for what people soever undertake them, they are in deed as chastisements appointed by God for the one side or the other. For which purpose it hath pleased him to give some victories to the Spaniards of late yeeres against some whom he had in purpose to ruine. But if we consider what wars they be that have made their name so terrible, we shal find them to have bin none other then against the barbarous Moores, the naked Indians, and the unarmed Netherlanders, whose yeelding rather to the name then act of the Spaniards, hath put them into such a conceit of their mightines, as they have considerately undertaken the conquest of our monarchie, consisting of a people united & alwayes held sufficiently warlike: against whom what successe their invincible army had the last yeere, as our very children can witness, so I doubt not but this voiage hath sufficiently made knowen what they are even upon their owne dunghill, which, had it bene set out in such sort as it was agreed upon by their first demaund, it might have made our nation the most glorious people of the world. For hath not the want of 8 of the 12 pieces of artillerie, which were promised unto the Adventure, lost her majestie the possession of the Groine and many other places, as hereafter shal appeare, whose defensible rampires were greater then our batterie (such as it was) cold force: and therefore were left unattempted?

It was also resolved to have sent 600 English horses of the Low countries, whereof we had not one, notwithstanding the great charges expended in their transporta

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