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old days; it is all gone, and we are very sorry for it."

The gardener said nothing, but he thought of what he long had turned over in his mind, how he could make that pretty sunny spot very useful, so that it could become an ornament to the garden and a pride to the family. The great trees which had been blown down had shattered the venerable hedge of box, that was cut into fanciful shapes.

Here he set out a multitude of plants that were not to be seen in other gardens. He made an earthen wall, on which he planted all sorts of native flowers from the fields and woods. What no other gardener had ever thought of planting in the manor-garden he planted, giving each its appropriate soil, and the plants were in sunlight or shadow according as each species required. He cared tenderly for them, and they grew up finely. The juniper-tree from the heaths of Jutland rose in shape and color like the Italian cypress; the shining, thorny Christ-thorn, as green in the winter's cold as in the summer's sun, was splendid to see. In the foreground grew ferns of various species: some of them looked as if they were children of the palmtree; others, as if they were parents of the pretty plants called "Venus's golden locks" or "Maiden-hair." Here stood the despised burdock, which is so beautiful in its freshness that it looks well even in a bouquet. The burdock stood in a dry place, but below in the moist soil grew the colt's-foot, also a despised plant, but yet most picturesque, with its tall stem and large leaf. Like a candelabrum with a multitude of branches six feet high, and with flower over against flower, rose the mullein, a mere field plant. Here stood the woodroof and the lily of the valley, the

wild calla and the fine three-leaved woodsorrel. It was a wonder to see all this beauty!

In

In the front grew in rows very small peartrees from French soil, trained on wires. By plenty of sun and good care they soon bore as juicy fruits as in their own country. stead of the two old leafless trees was placed a tall flag-staff, where the flag of Dannebrog was displayed; and near by stood another pole, where the hop-tendril in summer or harvest-time wound its fragrant flowers; but in winter-time, after ancient custom, oatsheaves were fastened to it, that the birds of the air might find here a good meal in the happy Christmas-time.

"Our good Larsen is growing sentimental as he grows old," said the family; "but he is faithful, and quite attached to us.”

In one of the illustrated papers there was a picture at New Year's of the old manor, with the flag-staff and the oat-sheaves for the birds of the air, and the paper said that the old manor had preserved that beautiful old custom, and deserved great credit for it.

"They beat the drum for all Larsen's doings," said the family. "He is a lucky fellow, and we may almost be proud of having such a man in our service."

But they were not a bit proud of it. They were very well aware that they were the lords of the manor; they could give Larsen warning, in fact, but they did not. They were good people, and fortunate it is for every Mr. Larsen that there are so many good people like them.

Yes, that is the story of the gardener and the manor. Now you may think a little

about it.

LABOR AND CAPITAL SINCE the commencement of the present century an important change has taken place in regard to the mechanic trades, by which they have, to a large extent, been absorbed into vast manufacturing establishments, requiring of necessity a corresponding concentration of capital, and the employment of a large number of persons working for mere wages. This has given a new phase to the relations of labor and capital in one of the most extensive departments of production. The character of these relations is not indeed changed. It is still that of employer and employé; but the circumstances and con

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IN MANUFACTURES.

ditions under which the two parties are now brought together have been greatly altered.

Formerly, the independent blacksmith in the country village, with a journeyman and one or two apprentices, made all the ploughs, hoes, shovels, pitch-forks and other iron inplements required in agriculture. He furnished nails, hinges, door-handles, and all the usual hardware appendages of a dwellinghouse or other building; and he did this, not in working with iron fitted to his hand by the slitting or rolling mill, as might now be done, but by working the whole by hand out of bar-iron some three or four inches

wide and six or seven feet long,―a very tedious and laborious process. At present the farmers' tools and machines are constructed entirely in large factories devoted to the specific purpose; and the village smith has little more to do than keep them in repair. Even in shoeing horses, the most important part of his former business remaining to him, he finds the shoes and nails he once forged with great labor now fashioned ready to his hand.

The same is true of boot and shoe makers, numbers of whom were once found in every hamlet working in their little shops with knife, hammer, awl, and lapstone, furnishing their neighborhood with articles essential to comfort and convenience.

All this is changed. Every different kind of boot and shoe is now produced in large manufacturing establishments, not by hand labor, as formerly, but by the most powerful and effective machinery. The trade is totally revolutionized. The same may be said of almost any other mechanical trade. Ready-made clothing interferes immensely with the business of the old-fashioned tailor, while the cabinet-maker can now purchase his chairs tables, sofas, bedsteads, etc., made in factories established for the purpose, cheaper than he can produce them himself, and the house builder finds his foreplane and jointer superseded by the planing-mill, and his doors, windows, and sashes made ready for his use.

This general change in the mechanic industries has caused an equally remarkable change in the condition of the laboring classes connected with them, who, instead of being isolated and independent, are now brought together in large masses and employed by wealthy private or corporate companies.

This has produced a new organization of labor-if we may use a term having no definite meaning and conveying no distinct idea, but which seems to have been adopted to express merely the general relations of the two great agents in production.

The change thus effected marks a new era, and opens a broad and rapidly extending field of competition between the great forces of modern civilization. From its magnitude and the high interests involved, it deserves a careful and impartial examination, as one of the most interesting economic problems of the age.

As an illustration of the nature of this change, the manner in which it has been effected and the results attained, we propose to give a history of the rise and progress

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Something more than fifty years since, a young man went from his father's home to learn the trade of a shoemaker with one who had just commenced the manufacture of what were at that time known as "sale shoes," got up especially for the Southern market, and of a cheap and indifferent quality. In six months he had learned the trade sufficiently to command wages, and such was his industry and thrift that by the time he was twenty-three years of age he had accumulated five hundred dollars. With this sum he commenced business for himself, hiring a small house and shop for the purpose, employing a journeyman and apprentice, and working with them in making shoes. All was done by hand labor. When a few cases of goods were completed, they were carried to market, disposed of, more stock purchased, and the manufacture continued. This was repeated. Gradually, another and another workman was engaged, until at length this man found himself able to purchase a considerable estate and erect a shop of respectable size. He now took a brother into copartnership, and the business was so extended that in 1836 it amounted to some 100,000 dollars, the goods being sold to merchants in New York, Philadelphia, and the principal Southern cities.

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In the fall of that fatal year commenced one of those periodical convulsions in the money market, unavoidable under a mixed and consequently fluctuating currency. Money became very scarce and difficult to be had, though never more abundant in quantity, and the banks stopped discounting. course, business men were cut off from their usual resources, and, of necessity, were unable to meet their engagements. Failures began to take place, and with the opening of 1837 general bankruptcy had spread throughout the Union. All the usual means for raising money or negotiating exchanges were destroyed; and at last the banks themselves succumbed.

Under these circumstances, the firm of which we are speaking assigned their property -everything they possessed-for the benefit of their creditors. An examination of their affairs showed they had been doing a successful business, and, if allowed to go on, might discharge all their obligations. An extension was therefore cordially granted, and all the debts of the concern, principal and interest, were paid, the business resumed, and largely extended;-all this, notwithstanding

the almost entire loss of its capital by the great collapse through which it had passed. Constant growth and progress thereafter attended the operations of this firm up to 1861, when it had some half a million dollars intrusted to dealers in the Southern States, of which it was able to collect only a small part, owing to the civil war, the confiscation of Northern debts by the Confederate government, and the general breaking up of the banking system.

In consequence of this, the firm was again compelled to suspend. After a year or two of perplexing delay, caused by the condition of public affairs and the death of the senior partner, a compromise was effected, the entire assets of the firm, personal and partnership, being assigned for the benefit of its creditors. A discharge was obtained, the business again renewed and still further extended, the whole indebtedness paid off, with a considerable balance remaining to the partners.

From that time to the present this house has continued its operations and greatly enlarged its trade. Recently the junior of the two original partners died, and his share of the property was found to be about a quarter of a million of dollars. The establishment is now in the hands of two of the sons of the last-mentioned partner, and is one of the largest in the United States, using in every department the most powerful machinery, employing more than 1,000 hands, men, women, and children, and turning out some 6,000 pairs of boots and shoes per day, of so high a quality as to command the markets of the country. The value of the aggregate product is now, we believe, between two and three millions per annum.

With this brief statement of the origin and progress of this large business concern, of its varying fortunes and present condition, we are prepared to inquire as to the relations of labor and capital as connected with it. Before doing so, however, we would observe that there is nothing remarkable in the character of this house or its operations, except in degree. Its history, in all its characteristics and incidents, is essentially that of manufacturing establishments generally, especially those which have been created and carried on by individual effort. It is peculiar only for its long duration and large extent, and for having had in its career greater vicissitudes, and having met them with more success than would be found perhaps in a majority of cases. It is, nevertheless, we shall insist, a fair sample of the manufacturing industry

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of the country; and as such may be properly presented as an illustration of our subject.

What then has been the result of the operations of this concern to the community in which it is located, and the individuals by whose muscular power, aided by their ingenuity, all this has been realized?

And first, of the community-the town in which the establishment is situated. Its population has trebled, its valuation, or aggregate wealth, has increased tenfold, and a few scattered dwellings have become a large and handsome village with four churches, an extensive hotel, a town-house of ample dimensions, and other fine buildings, public and private.

Of the permanent workmen, many of whom have been in service twenty, thirty, or, in some cases, forty years, nearly all are in comfortable circumstances, most of them residing upon estates of their own of the value of three to five thousand dollars. Several have retired from employment with from twenty to forty thousand dollars of their accumulations, and none are in a condition approaching poverty, except in those cases (few in number) where vices have destroyed manhood, or unavoidable misfortune has overtaken them.

From this statement it is obvious that the workmen have been liberally dealt with; and it is well known that the proprietors from the very start have been generous to those in their employ, almost to a fault; and have enjoyed to a remarkable extent their goodwill and respect.

In the earlier period of this enterprise the workmen were the sons of the neighboring farmers, who engaged in it for the good reason that they could obtain higher wages than in any other employment, and at the same time secure a more agreeable occupation and the advantage of greater social privileges. The change on their part was entirely voluntary, leaving a good position for one they deemed better.

That they were well treated would seem to be proved by the fact that for near half a century no quarrel or unpleasant difficulty ever arose between the firm and its workmen. All has been harmony, mutual satisfaction, and peace. The only exception to this state of things is of recent occurrence. A Crispin Lodge was lately formed (according to the fashion of the day) amongst the employés. It included, to a large extent, the veteran workmen, but the new-comers were the most numerous, and the greater part of foreign birth.

With this association a difficulty arose in this wise. Several of the members of the Lodge, soon after its formation, became dissatisfied with its proceedings, and, after paying up their past dues, withdrew from it and desired to be dismissed. The Society, however, would not permit this, but insisted that no one could be absolved from the oaths or obligations he had taken, and therefore, if he left the association, must quit his present employment. The absenting members continuing to work as before, a deputation was sent to the proprietors demanding the expulsion of these men from "the shop." As the firm would accede to no such request, a strike took place, and business was mostly suspended for some five or six days. Finding their employers firm in their determination, the workmen at length returned to their posts without any concession to their demands.

This episode can hardly be considered an exception to the statement that the workmen have been uniformly satisfied with the manner in which they have been treated, because the strike was not for higher wages, shorter hours of labor, or any oppressive act on the part of their employers.

We have already shown that the capital for commencing the operations of this firm was earned "on the bench" by the founder of the house. As he proceeded in his business he required credit to obtain what stock he needed in his manufacture. This he readily obtained to any extent, because known to be a man of good character, free from bad habits, industrious, efficient, frugal.

Something further, however, was wanted as the business became extended.

Fifty years since, a long time was necessary to make shoes and get them into market. The manufacturer, to carry on much business, must be able to realize the cash for his goods soon after they were made; yet, according to the practice of those days, he must sell on a credit of at least six months, often nine. Here was a dilemma, but with good credit it was easily overcome. The paper received for the articles sold was taken to a bank, which was quite ready to give the money for it (discounting the interest and exchange), provided the indorsement of the firm was made upon it. Here again the character of the house for honesty and ability was brought into requisition; for the bank depended, to a large extent, upon the indorsers. So high was the standing of this firm, even in the earliest days of its exist

ence, that within the personal knowledge of the writer its paper was regularly discounted although there might be a great pressure for money, thus giving it, in fact, the use of a large amount of the bank's capital. There was no favoritism in all this. The firm was steady in demand for discounts, had good business paper, on which the banks could legally charge exchange-in short, was a profitable customer. Why then should it not be accommodated? It was so, to the mutual advantage of both parties.

If this capital, then, from first to last, was honestly and honorably acquired, has any one occasion to complain that large wealth has been realized by those who used it? In what respect would any reformer desire that this operation should have been prevented or modified in the interests of labor? At what point in its history should government have interfered by its enactments to procure a better result ? Is there any element of despotism, monopoly, or oppression in all this?

It may still be urged, perhaps, that "however truthful these statements may be, the fact still remains, that a few have been made rich by the profits realized upon the industry of a large number of persons by whose labor all this has been achieved—that the disparity between the employers and the employed is very great."

True, but how could it well be otherwise? By what arrangement could a more favorable issue have been secured? To bring it about, the constant labor of the two original partners was required for a period of forty years. To this object they consecrated the morning of their days, pursued it with rare devotion and earnestness, and thus laid the foundation of a successful career, and an honorable, independent old age. This they had a right to do. Were they not wise in doing it?

But further, these men not only commenced with those economical habits indispensable to success, but retained them through life. Had they, as many often do, when a profitable business has been established, enlarged their personal expenditures proportionally, by building costly residences and setting up fashionable equipages, they would have been illy prepared to meet the great commercial crises through which they were obliged to pass. Their rigid economy had therefore as large a share in securing their success as their industry; and it is a matter worthy of honorable record, that one of the original partners, recently deceased, lived at the time of his death in the same house in which he commenced his married life.

It may perhaps still be asked whether this firm, in strict justice, ought not to have distributed a part of its profits annually to its

workmen ?

The sufficient answer to this is, that, had it done so to any considerable extent, it could never have discharged its indebtedness and resumed business effectively after the great revulsion of 1837, for, as it was, that appalling catastrophe swept off nearly everything the firm possessed, and it had little left but its reputation for integrity and capacity. The great monetary crisis of 1857, too, required all the capital previously accumulated to enable it to confront successfully that general suspension of the banks and the shock given to the credit of the country. Much the same may be said of the disastrous consequences of the late war. How, without a very large surplus, could this firm, with its immense amount of suspended and confiscated paper, have been able to recover itself and continue its operations successfully? The security of the laborer, in this as in all similar cases, depended upon a large accumulation of capital in the hands of his employer.

And here it is but just to call attention to the fact, that all of the reverses alluded to were occasioned by no fault on the part of those who suffered from them, but were the natural result of a defective monetary system in 1837 and 1857, and of a war in 1861, for neither of which, certainly, were business men responsible.

The question of the rate of profits is often started in connection with the relations of labor and capital. If profits are exorbitant, the laborer suffers; because he is a consumer as well as producer, and we may therefore properly inquire whether the firm whose business we are considering charged a higher rate than, in justice to other parties, was right and equal. The question, however, has been virtually answered already, since it clearly appears that if, to any considerable extent, a less profit had been realized, the house could not have met the terrific revulsions of 1837, 1857, and 1861, discharged their obligations, and continued their operations; and certainly every business firm is bound in honor to do all that, if possible. Besides this view of the matter, it is quite certain, from our knowledge of the case, that the average per centum of net profit realized during the period in question, say from 1821 to 1861, could not have been more than five per cent. on the business transacted, below which rate no one can be expected to incur the risks and responsibilities of trade. Since

the latter-mentioned period, especially from 1863 to 1868, profits have been unusually large as compared with any previous period, so that nominal accumulations have been greater under the present standard of value than previously. What they will be, however, when a normal condition of monetary affairs is restored, the future alone can disclose; certain it is, however, that, had the intervention of law compelled the payment of higher wages or a reduction of profits in the present case, the creditors of the concern must have suffered from the monetary revulsions to which we have referred, and have lost whatever the others had gained.

As the circumstances were, the workmen passed through these great revulsions unscathed, and were ready, when the storm was over, to commence again with all they had previously acquired. Not so with their employers, for, at the end of forty years from the commencement of their business, they had little left but the prestige of their high reputation and their widely-extended business connections. Of these none of the vicissitudes of trade could deprive them, and with these they have been enabled to enter upon an almost unexampled career of prosperity.

Besides the foregoing considerations, may we not well take notice of the obvious fact, that, while these employers may have amassed large wealth, the aggregate accumulations of those they employed amount to a sum at least equally great. Though impossible to get the precise data, the fact is patent, that the united properties of the employés must be quite equal to that of their employers. Both parties, labor and capital, have, in fact, been highly prosperous, notwithstanding the severe reverses to which the latter have been subjected. Each party was indispensable to the other-the one to manage the great machine, and take its risks; the other to attend its operations, and receive its compensation without hazard.

In what respect, then, can such a business firm be regarded as objectionable? It is indeed a vast concentration of power, yet it is but the simple result of individual enterprise and perseverance, the achievement, mainly, of two men who, while building up the immense establishment, never ignored or neglected their duties as good citizens, but cheerfully contributed to all objects of public or private charity.

Clearly, there is nothing of monopoly here, no antagonism between employers and employed, or between the interests of the many and the few. The success of these

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