Art. 9.-THE REVOLUTION IN FINLAND: ITS CAUSES AND RESULTS.

1. Finland and the Finns. By Arthur Reade. Methuen, 1914.

2. Det röda upproret i Finland. By Henning Söderhjelm. Stockholm: Albert Bonnier, 1918.

3. Republik eller konungadöme. By Johannes Hedengren. Helsingfors: Holger Schildt, 1918.

4. Brytningstid. By Eirik Hornborg. Holger Schildt, 1918.

Helsingfors :

5. Vita gardet mot röda gardet. By Erich Schüler. Helsingfors: Holger Schildt, 1918.

6. Anteckningar under krigstiden. By Emil Schybergson. Helsingfors: Holger Schildt, 1918.

7. Andra landtdagen 1917 och Finlands själfständighet. By R. A. Wrede. Helsingfors : Söderström, 1918. 8. Sigurds Minnen och intryck från medborgarkriget, 1918. By Ivar Hortling. Helsingfors: A. B. Helsingfors Bokhandel, 1918.

9. Finland i den svenska pressen. Helsingfors: Holger Schildt, 1918.

10. Hvita och röda. By Ernst Klein. Stockholm: Svenska Andelsförlaget, 1918.

And articles in Svensk Tidskrift, Finsk Tidskrift, etc.

To understand the events of 1917-18 in Finland, some knowledge of political and social conditions in that country is required. This is all the more necessary by reason of the extremely intricate politics of Finland, complicated as they are by the fact that two languages, Swedish and Finnish, are spoken side by side, while the sovereign power of Russia is a third factor to be taken into account. We propose, therefore, first of all to touch on the main features of Finnish political life.

Before the war the government of Finland was divided between the Tsar (who was Grand Duke of Finland), the Senate and the Diet. The position of Finland within the Russian Empire was unique, since its Constitution went back to the old Swedish form of government, defined in 1772 and 1789 and guaranteed by Alexander I in 1809, when Finland was ceded to Russia. The legislative

power was in the hands of the Grand Duke and the Diet, though the former was also entitled to issue certain administrative decrees on his own initiative. A special Secretary of State maintained contact between the Grand Duke and the Finnish bodies, while the Governor General presided over the civil administration. The Senate was divided into two departments-Justice and Economy. The first was a Supreme Court of Appeal but also dealt with certain questions of administration. However, most of the administration was carried on by the Department of Economy, which consisted of eight ministries with a senator at the head of each. The senators were nominated by the Grand Duke for a period of three years. It is obvious that this placed great power in the hands of the Grand Duke, especially as the Senate was not responsible to the Diet. After 1906 this latter body was a single chamber elected by universal suffrage and proportional representation, its two hundred members being chosen every three years.

The chief political parties are the Swedish party, the Old Finns, the Young Finns, the Agrarians and the Socialists. The first of these, which has behind it the ancient heritage of Swedish culture, seeks to defend the interests of the Swedish-speaking Finns and to ward off attempts at linguistic oppression by the Finnish-speaking majority. The Old Finn party expresses its ideal in the words 'one nation, one language,' and looks to Germany for its inspiration, particularly to Bismarck's work of unification. It has many followers among the peasant proprietors, above all in the south and west, and also amongst the clergy. The Young Finns broke away from the Old Finns early in the 'nineties. Their views are more radical and their political tendencies of French and English rather than of German origin. The ranks of this party contain many scientists, artists and men of letters. They have always been on good terms with the Swedish party, their programme being 'one spirit and two languages.' The two parties united to resist Russian encroachments on the Constitution, while the Old Finns were more compliant. The Agrarians, who uphold the interests of the small land-owners, are also constitutionally minded. All these parties represent bourgeois opinion and combine against the Socialists. The last-named

party is of very recent growth. Although various workmen's organisations existed in the 'eighties, it was not until 1899 that the new party came into being. It spread very rapidly, and within a few years was one of the most powerful factors in Finnish politics. The countryside, not the town, was the source of its strength, for the position of the numerous torpare (peasants holding land as tenants or crofters) was so insecure that a real grievance existed. For years the upper and middle classes had been absorbed in linguistic warfare, and had to some extent overlooked the necessity of reforms promoting the material welfare of the people.

We shall now be able to appreciate the reasons which induced a certain section of Finns to join hands with the Russian Bolsheviks and to split Finland into two hostile factions. The violence and bitterness of speech with which the quarrel about the use of Swedish and Finnish had been carried on paved the way for class warfare. From linguistic hate to class hate was but a short distance. This animosity has throughout been characteristic of the Finnish Labour movement, and, as time passed, it became even more pronounced. Writing in 1914, Mr Reade said almost prophetically: 'It seems to an outsider that class hatred has been preached to an extent that may endanger Finland's unity of action and blind people to an objective view of things.'

The gulf between the two sections of society was ultimately made still wider by the relations of Finland to Russia. Not long after the foundation of the Finnish Labour party, an attempt was made by the Russian Governor Bobrikoff to bring Finland to heel. Various methods were tried, one being to cleave the nation into a number of warring factions. It was doubtless with this end in view that Bobrikoff provided free meals in Russian barracks for Finnish workmen and at the same time offered them land without any payment. At first the workers seem to have hesitated, and it was even possible in 1899 to read an article in Työmies' ('The Working-Man') which declared that Russia's measures were merely directed against Finnish capitalists, and therefore the workers should stand aside. Before long, however, the Social Democrats resolutely opposed the new régime, as was clearly seen on the occasion of the

great strike in 1903, when Russia sought to conscribe Finns for the imperial army.

A new development was marked by the national strike of 1905. The disturbances in Russia had led to the establishment of the Duma; and the Finns, cooperating with the Russian revolutionaries, organised a strike throughout the whole of Finland. This was the work of Radical bourgeois and of Socialist working-men who formed White and Red Guards to defend their liberties. For a time the two parties acted without friction, but in the end they quarrelled. In November, 1905, the Tsar restored the Constitution; and the bourgeois elements now considered that their object was attained, and that the strike should therefore come to an end. The workmen, on the other hand, wished to continue the strike and demanded certain social reforms such as the introduction of the eight hours' day. Thus the strike, which was originally directed against Russian oppression, developed into a class struggle. Feeling ran very high, and in August, 1906, culminated in riots at Helsingfors, as the result of which a number of persons were killed. In consequence of the strike of 1905, friendly relations were set up between the Finnish Socialists and the Russian revolutionaries; while class hatred in Finland itself was more pronounced than ever, and, in view of the stubborn character of the Finn, did not seem likely to yield speedily to more friendly feelings.

Even before these events the attitude of the Finnish bourgeois had been frequently misrepresented. During the period of Russification a number of the middle and upper classes did, it is true, lend a hand to the oppressor; but the great majority opposed him as strenuously as did the Finnish workers themselves. The names of those who were carried off to Russian prisons are a sufficient and an eloquent testimony. In spite of this, the Socialist papers did not scruple to depict the bourgeoisie as a whole as the supporters of Russian despotism. This campaign was carried on, in particular, by Työmies,' the leading Socialist newspaper. In 1906 universal suffrage had been introduced; and, as the result of the growing power of the Labour party, social legislation was brought in and carried by the Finnish Diet. In the meantime, however, the reactionary movement in Russia

had set in, and one of the shapes it took was interference with Finnish affairs. Several important Labour Laws were vetoed by the Tsar; and the hopes of the Finnish workers were disappointed. The effect on the situation in Finland was unfavourable, for the idea was sedulously cultivated by Työmies-whose methods have since been severely criticised by M. Branting, the leader of the Swedish Socialists-that the bills had been rejected at the instance of the Finnish bourgeoisie. Thus the poison of class prejudice continued to eat its way into the body politic of Finland, with disastrous consequences.

On this condition of things the war supervened. From afar the Finns saw the horrors into which the world had been plunged; and the Socialists were not slow to attribute this bankruptcy of civilisation to the malignancy of capitalism and the bourgeoisie. They saw the masses of Russia perish in millions from war, disease and hunger, while profiteers throve. In Finland itself there was a great rise in prices, combined with a dearth of many articles. All this added fuel to the flame; and the influence of syndicalistic views introduced from Norway and Sweden swelled the existing volume of unrest. At the outbreak of the Russian Revolution in the spring of 1917, it might have been expected that the storm, which had long been gathering on the horizon, would burst at once. But it did not. The Socialists, who had obtained a majority at the elections of 1916, joined with the bourgeois to secure the constitutional rights of Finland. This united front was not, however, maintained for long; and ultimately the Socialists withdrew from the Senate.

In view of the aggravated state of public opinion the events which followed were probably inevitable. Yet there can be little doubt that the conduct of certain bourgeois newspapers helped to precipitate the trouble which had for years been hanging over the Finnish nation. In spite of the steps taken by M. Kerensky and his colleagues of the Provisional Government to meet the demands of Finland, there were certain people who, remembering past occasions on which Russian pledges had been broken, began to look elsewhere. The recollection of the Finns who had offered their services to