point about four and a half miles north-west of Podina, and thence an irregular line terminating on the Sea of Marmora about 25 miles west of Constantinople, thus including an insignificant portion of suburban territory.

The Southern limits, marked on Map No. 2, run from point Karatash Burun, nearly opposite to Alexandretta approximately along the parallel of latitude of 37° eastwards to the Persian frontier, and cut off the Hedjaz, Mesopotamia, Syria, and Palestine. Armenia is declared independent, the frontier between Turkey and Armenia in the vilayets of Erzerum, Trebizond, Van, and Bitlis, with access to the Black Sea, being reserved for arbitration by the President of the United States. The right to independence of the Kurdish areas east of the Euphrates, south of Armenia, and north of the Turkish frontier with Syria and Mesopotamia, is placed under the protection of the League of Nations. Smyrna and the adjacent territory remain under Turkish sovereignty; but Turkey transfers to the Greek Government the exercise of her rights of sovereignty over the city and its territory. Thrace outside the boundary of Constantinople and up to the southern frontier of Bulgaria as defined in the Peace Treaty with that Power falls to Greece. This acquisition of territory, it will be noted, includes Adrianople. Turkey renounces in favour of Italy all rights and title to the islands mentioned in Art. 122 (the Dodecanese and Castellorizzo), which are inhabited by Greeks. In favour of Greece Turkey renounces her rights over the islands of Imbros, Tenedos, Lemnos, Samothrace, Mytilene, Chios, Samos, and Nikaria.

During the recent war and for many years before the Turkish Sultan had exercised the power of closing the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles to the ships of other nations, and especially to war-vessels, on the pretext in later times of an ancient rule of the Ottoman Empire,' never before described in those terms until the conclusion of the Anglo-Turkish Treaty of Jan. 5, 1809. By Art. 37 it is provided first, that

'the navigation of the Straits, including the Dardanelles, the Sea of Marmora and the Bosphorus, shall in future be open,

both in peace and war, to every vessel of commerce or of war and to military and commercial aircraft, without distinction of flag.'

Second, that

'these waters shall not be subject to blockade, nor shall any belligerent right be exercised nor any act of hostility be committed within them, unless in pursuance of a decision of the Council of the League of Nations.'

By Arts. 38 and 39 the Turkish and Greek Governments, so far as they are respectively concerned, delegate to a Commission to be called the 'Commission of the Straits,' the control of all the waters between the Mediterranean mouth of the Dardanelles and the Black Sea mouth of the Bosphorus, and the waters within three miles of each of these mouths; and the authority of the Commission may be exercised on shore to such an extent as may be necessary for this control.

Art. 40 stipulates for the composition of the Commission of representatives appointed respectively by the United States (if and when that Government is willing to participate), the British Empire, France, Italy, Japan, Russia (if and when Russia becomes a member of the League of Nations), Greece, Rumania, and Bulgaria and Turkey (if and when the two latter states become members of the League of Nations), each Power appointing one representative. The representatives of the Great Powers are each to have two votes, the other four Powers one vote each. The Commission will be completely independent of the local authority, having its own flag, budget, and separate organisation. Art. 43 enumerates the duties of the Commission, other articles define its powers and rights. Arts. 57 to 61 lay down regulations respecting belligerent warships and prizes passing through the aforesaid waters.

In order to ensure maintenance of the freedom of the Straits, Art. 179 defines the zone of operation of the Commission, as shown on Map No. 1. Briefly speaking, it comprises Constantinople and the 'adjacent Turkish territory, the coast districts of Thrace ceded to Greece by the Treaty, including the peninsula of Gallipoli, and the coastal districts of Turkish territory in Asia Minor, starting from the Gulf of Adramyttium and

extending eastwards and then northwards to a point on the Black Sea, two kilometres east of the mouth of the Akabad River. Again, from the mouth of the Biyuk Dere on the Black Sea, the line runs in a south-westerly direction to Karachali on the Gulf of Saros. All works, fortifications, and batteries within this zone and on the islands of Lemnos, Imbros, Samothrace, Tenedos, and Mytilene are to be disarmed and demolished within three months of the Treaty coming into force. There are also certain important provisions regarding roads and railways in the above-mentioned zone, which are placed under the authority of France, Great Britain, and Italy. These three Powers also have the right to maintain in the said territories and islands such military and air forces as they may consider necessary. In the event of the Commission finding that the liberty of passage is being interfered with, it will inform the diplomatic representatives of the three Allied Powers, who will concert with the naval and military commanders of the occupying forces such measures as may be necessary.

The Treaties with Poland, the Serbo-Croat-Slovene State, Czecho-Slovakia, and Rumania, may be regarded as subsidiary to the Peace Treaty with Germany, with Austria and Bulgaria respectively; and a series of treaties of similar import will, it is to be expected, be concluded with Greece as receiving a large accession of territory, and with other States which are formed out of the remaining sacrifices of territory made by Turkey. The basic principles of such Treaties are explained in the covering letter of M. Clemenceau to M. Paderewski, dated May 24, 1919, which was presented to Parliament together with the text of the Treaty; and it is pointed out that it is the established procedure that, when a State is newly created or receives large accessions of territory, it may be required, as a condition of recognition, to undertake compliance with certain principles of government. Accordingly, an article was inserted in the Peace Treaty with Germany, to which Poland was to be a party, whereby the latter State agrees to embody in a Treaty with the Principal Allied and Associated Powers provisions for protecting the interests of racial, linguistic, or

religious minorities, and for the protection of freedom of transit and equitable treatment of the commerce of other nations.

Such stipulations will be perceived to form an important section of the Peace Treaties. They are to be found in the Treaties with Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey. Consequently, Art. 2 of the treaty with Poland, guarantees to all inhabitants the elementary rights that are secured in every civilised State.' Clauses 3 to 6 are designed to ensure that all the genuine residents in the territories now transferred to Polish sovereignty shall be assured of the full privileges of citizenship. Arts. 7 and 8 assure equality of rights to racial, linguistic, or religious minorities. Art. 9 provides for education of the children of a linguistic minority through the medium of their own language, and for the enjoyment of an equitable share of public educational funds by such minorities. Arts. 10 and 11 confer special protection on the Jews of Poland. Art. 12 places the foregoing stipulations under the guarantee of the League of Nations, and may not be altered without the consent of a majority of the Council of the League.

Chapter II contains economic clauses designed to facilitate reciprocal diplomatic and consular representation, for ensuring freedom of transit of persons, goods, and of postal, telegraphic, and telephonic services. Poland by Art. 18 agrees to apply to the river system of the Vistula the régime applicable to international waterways set out in the Peace Treaty with Germany, and Art. 19 provides for the adhesion of Poland to certain international conventions.

The remaining three subsidiary treaties are framed on the same model, with certain necessary modifications. Thus in the Treaty with the Serbo-Croat-Slovene State, Art. 10 provides for the special interests of Musulmans. Art. 12 recognises as binding on the new State all treaties, conventions, and agreements between Serbia and any of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers which were in force on Aug. 1, 1914. In the Treaty with CzechoSlovakia, Arts. 10 to 13 provide for the fullest degree of self-government of the Ruthene territory south of the Carpathians, compatible with the unity of the CzechoSlovak State. The Treaty with Rumania has an Art. 7

by which Jews inhabiting any Rumanian territory who do not possess another nationality are to be recognised as Rumanian nationals ipso facto and without the requirement of any formality. And as Arts. 8 and 9 correspond to Arts. 7 and 8 of the Treaty with Poland, their rights as Rumanian citizens are fully assured to them. Art. 11 accords to the communities of the Saxons and Szecklers in Transylvania local autonomy in regard to scholastic and religious matters subject to the control of the Rumanian State. Finally, Art. 16 corresponds, as regards the river system of the Pruth, with Art. 18 of the Polish Treaty.

The problems discussed in the volume which stands third on our list relate exclusively to the territorial settlements made by the Peace Treaties (excepting the Turkish Treaty, to which America was not a party). It contrasts favourably with The History' inasmuch as it is the work of two writers, each of whom undertook one half of the chapters of which it consists. A general unity of style and treatment accordingly pervades the whole, which is more than can be said of the larger book.

No one will doubt that universal compulsory military service enabled the militarist Great Powers gradually to increase the numbers of their trained men, and eventually to realise the theory of the armed nation,' which led to the war being conducted on such a ruinous scale. It must be regretted, therefore, that the History' has a whole paragraph devoted to the glorification of this.

'There is only one vital argument against universal military service, that it increases the chances of war by developing the martial instinct of nations, and by placing in the hands of ambitious rulers a powerful instrument for imposing their will on weaker Powers.'

Perhaps it will be alleged that, most, if not all, of the autocratic rulers having disappeared from the stage, the danger of their example being followed has vanished. But history teaches that nations are just as easily led away by the love of domination as individual rulers, and this passion is also found to animate individuals in a position to aim at its gratification.

ERNEST SATOW.