II. GENERAL LOUIS BOTHA.

GREAT men in all ages have been rare, and the achievements that justify the title vary in character. 'Events make men,' according to Herbert Spencer; but men undoubtedly influence events, though their share in proportion to that of circumstance may be indeterminable. The greatest of men are in ho small degree children of fortune; and the effect of their actions, no matter how judiciously conceived, is in a large measure governed by the way in which surrounding factors tumble into the arena, not unlike pieces of glass in a revolving kaleidoscope. Neither results nor man's share in their accomplishment can be truly gauged at short range. These reflexions are inspired by the desire, in framing these brief notes upon the late General Louis Botha, to do justice to him and to his admirable qualities, on the one hand, without prejudicing the work of future historians by contemporary exaggeration, on the other.

First, with regard to his appearance and personality. He stood about six feet in height, broad-shouldered, heavy-boned, deep-chested and muscular, with large blue eyes that looked straight at one, and a delightful winning smile; a round face, small nose, black hair and tanned complexion. He was very intelligent and irresistibly attractive in lighter, happy moods; dark and taciturn in rare moments of anger. Keenly alive and virile, he centred his whole heart on the occupation of the moment, whether on State or other serious affairs or on diversions. In spare moments golf or bridge greatly amused him. I met him once under treatment at

Kissingen; he followed the régime scrupulously. Bright-minded and companionable, genial and kindly in his outlook, he was a magnetic being, charming in everyday intercourse, and, in spite of not having had the advantages of public-school training or higher education, dignified in bearing and well-mannered, modest, unassuming, unspoiled by adulation. He had, moreover, a keen sense of humour, coupled with an ample fund of sound common-sense and a practical mind characteristic of his race, and particularly of the portion bred under the friendly African sun on the broad veld. Only those who

are familiar with the gorgeous colouring, the invigorating air, and the immense structural scale of the wide plains and rocky eminences of South Africa, can realise how the environment has dominated the outlook of those nurtured in its amenities.

In this short review we may pass rapidly over the early life of General Botha. His father was a well-to-do farmer; and Louis, one of six brothers, was born at Greytown, Natal, in 1862. At the age of twenty-two we first hear of him as accompanying Lucas Meyer upon an expedition to Zululand, in support of Dinizulu against Usibepu. The assistance of the Boer Commando turned the scale in favour of Dinizulu, who, as a recompense, granted them an area of land, which they called the New Republic, with Vryheid as its capital. Vryheid was incorporated in the Transvaal in 1888, Botha being then twenty-six years of age. Some seven years later he went to Pretoria as a member of the Second Volksraad.

I must not linger over the burning questions of that period, which covered the development of the Witwatersrand gold-mining industry, and the advent of the 'new' population. Botha, even in those early years, was out of sympathy with the narrow and repressive policy which was then the keynote of President Kruger's administration. The President realised that the patriarchal system was threatened, but he was not of the stuff to part meekly with a cherished ideal. Bitter discontent arose, partly from reactionary legislation and the disabilities placed upon new-comers, partly from the insecurity of life and property. Titles to individual mining property were in constant jeopardy-in the main, be it admitted, from assaults by the new-comers themselves. In a heterogeneous community of fortune seekers, drawn from all parts of the world, there were naturally specimens of every moral grade, from the highly cultured gentleman to the most unscrupulous adventurer. Men of the latter class did not find the business of merely attacking the rights of their neighbours sufficiently attractive and began to divert their attention to the Volksraad. Here indeed was a fine field for predatory activities. Playing here upon the ignorance and there upon the cupidity of some of the members-simple peasants be it noted-they created a real danger, and

from time to time the legislature displayed signs of yielding to the allurements of concession-hunters. In one notorious case, that of the Dynamite Concession, President Kruger himself warned members that wrapped up with the granting of this concession was the independence of the State!

Dissatisfaction and grievances accumulated. The Volksraad was deaf to appeals and blind to consequences. Consciousness of the situation was, however, awakening. A section of the Volksraad, led by General Piet Joubert in the upper chamber, and Lucas Meyer in the second chamber, manifested its opposition to Kruger's repressive policy. Botha joined that section, but it failed to stem the reactionary tide. Anger on the part of the Uitlanders reached its breaking-point when Kruger endeavoured to force military service upon them, without, at the same time, granting them any rights of citizenship, and displayed the intention of fortifying the gaol which commanded the town. It was at this stage that steps were taken for the projected rising at Johannesburg; and any impartial student must confess that there was solid justification for the movement. The Jameson Raid ensued, a disastrous incident, which should not, however, be confounded with the original plan or the basis of the intended internal revolt. Whatever view may be held respecting that turmoil, there is no doubt that it enlightened the world upon President Kruger's aims and methods in South Africa, and his intercourse with foreign powers, particularly with Germany. Botha was doubtedly in sympathy with the Uitlander cause, but the invasion impelled him to take up arms in defence of what he regarded (erroneously, it should be said) as an attempt to steal the country.

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During the next few years he did not come into special prominence, but his chance came with the Boer War. Serving at first under Lucas Meyer, he was speedily chosen as the leader of that commando, and, after the death of General Joubert, he became commander-in-chief of the Boer Forces. In spite of his having had no technical military training, he manifested great skill in the field. His exploits in that arena need not be dwelt upon here, as they are upon record. That he should have led his people through an unsuccessful

war, and emerged still enjoying their confidence, is an accomplishment of a remarkable order, the more remarkable in view of the highly developed critical faculties of the Boers and their exceptional disregard of rank or position. It is, morever, significant evidence of his wisdom, tact, and powers of leadership. From that time he became the recognised head of his people. Having played a distinguished part in the war, he was equally prominent in the peace settlement. He took a leading part in the negotiations that led to the Terms of Surrender; and the Ten Articles that were ultimately signed lent some colour to the claim set up later that this instrument constituted a Treaty of Peace. No useful purpose would be served by a technical discussion upon the differences between Terms of Surrender and a Treaty of Peace, but, in the light of later events, it may be interesting to recall a passage from the 'South African News,' a Bond organ, which shows how the concessions made by the British Government were magnified.

'As every person possessing an ounce of imagination has seen long ago, the main hope of the permanence of the structure, whose foundations were laid at Vereeniging, is just the fact that the Republicans were not beaten to their knees, but entered the British Empire "in cap and plumes erect and free," and, therefore, able to forgive and co-operate with those whose full-blood brethren and partners they then became.'

This is not true of the condition of the Boer forces when peace was sought, nor is it true, unfortunately, that the Boers as a whole became 'brotherly' in their attitude towards the British Empire. It may be interesting to remark that the correspondence preceding the agreement concerning the Terms of Surrender discloses the efforts of the Boers, first to retain their independence, then, while surrendering independence as regards foreign relations, to retain self-government under British supervision. Finally, finding themselves unable to make any headway upon such terms, they obtained powers from the burghers in the field to accept the conditions approved of by His Majesty's Government for the surrender of the Boer forces, and set forth in the Ten Articles. Botha himself, no doubt as a matter of good policy, always referred to this document as the Treaty

or Peace of Vereeniging; but it should be clearly understood that he never wavered in any of his utterances from the position that the Boers were bound by every dictate of honour to respect the obligations into which they had entered.

It was not surprising that, after the conclusion of hostilities, a sea of bitterness remained. Botha and the other Boer leaders stood aloof and denied their assistance to Lord Milner during the period of Crown Colony administration, and they declined the proffered seats upon the Legislative Council formed in 1903. About the beginning of that year, owing to the continued state of depression in the country, agitation for political reform began. Slack times find men without sufficient occupation for their thoughts in the business of life, and they turn to the contemplation of their misfortunes, fruitful foster-parents of political discontent. The British section of the South African population, therefore, split up into two groups, the one desirous of full responsible Government, the other, and, I think, the more thoughtful, of a half-way house in advance of Crown Colony administration as a first step. The divergence of views among the English encouraged General Botha to summon a Congress of the Boers, which was opened in Pretoria in May 1904. Towards the conclusion of his opening address, he said,

'Our people have made great sacrifices; they have shed their blood and wept tears of bitter sorrow; but they must thoroughly understand that the lowering of their flag and the change of Government do not entail the renunciation of their traditions. Now is the time for us to prove to our new Government that we are and shall remain one people, of whom they must become proud. We have one object in view, and that is to live and to work in unison with the new population; and my earnest hope and prayer is that it may please the Almighty to inspire the entire white population in South Africa with feelings of unity, so that a nation may be born worthy to take its place among the nations of the world, where the name of "Africander" shall be heard with honour and applause.'

I quote this passage because, although Botha consistently pleaded for the unity of the white population, he did not