and some others.-Al-Jihshîâri relates, in his History of the Vizirs, that, when Yahya, the son of Khalid, was in prison, where they kept him closely confined, he had one day a longing to eat some sikbája (7). Having obtained, with great difficulty, the permission to prepare some, he cooked it, but, when he had finished, the skillet in which he had made it fell from his hand and was broken to pieces. On this, he recited some verses, upbraiding Fortune and expressing his loss of every hope and every desire. He remained in the prison of ar-Râfika till his death, which event took place on the 3rd of Muharram, 190 (29th November, A. D. 805). He died suddenly, without any previous illness, being then seventy years of age, or seventy-four, according to another account. His son al-Fadl said over him the funeral service. He was buried on the border of the Euphrates, in the suburb called Rabad Harthama. In his pocket was found a paper on which was written in his own hand: "The accuser has gone forward (to the tribunal) and the accused "will soon follow; the kadi will be that equitable judge who is never unjust and who has no need of taking evidence." Ar-Rashid, to whom this paper was sent, wept, the remainder of that day, and his countenance, for some days after, bore striking marks of sorrow (8).-Yahya settled a monthly pension of one thousand dirhems (£25) on Sofyân ath-Thauri (rol. 1. p. 576), and the latter used to say, when prostrated in prayer: O Lord! Yahya has delivered me from the cares of this life; "deliver him from the pains of the next." When Yahya died, one of his brothers saw him in a dream and asked him how God had treated him? To this he replied: "He forgave me in consideration of Sofyân's prayers." Some say that the Sofyân of this anecdote was Sofyân Ibn Oyaina (vol. 1. p. 578). God knows best !—"Ar-Rashîd," says al-Jihshîàri, al-Jihshîâri, “repented of his conduct towards the Barmekides and deeply regretted the manner in which he had treated (the prisoners). He said, before some "of his brothers that, if he could be assured of their fidelity, he would reinstate them "in their places. He used also to say:-Some people impelled us to punish our ablest " and most faithful advisers, and they made us believe that they themselves were capable of replacing them; but, when we did what they wanted, they were not of the least use to us.' He then recited this line : 66 666 66 6 "Infamous wretches (9)! spare us your calumnies, or fill (with ability) the place which "they filled (so well) (10)." I may observe that this verse has for its author al-Hutaiya (vol. I. p. 209), and that, after it, comes the following: They were persons who, if they built, built well; if they took an engagement, they fulfilled it, and if they imposed an obligation, they rendered it binding. Az-Zamakhshari (vol. III. p. 321) says, somewhat to this effect, in his Rabi alUnder the bed of Yahya, the son of Khâlid, was found a paper on which was inscribed : Abrar 66 : 66 By the reality of God! injustice is disgraceful; an unhealthy pasture-ground is that of injustice. We must go before Him who shall retribute every action on the day of judgment; "all adverse parties must appear before God. I must now say (11) that I have inserted in this compendium the quantity (of information) which it was possible for a person to give who had but little leisure. I have omitted under this letter, which is the Y, a considerable number of articles which I intended to have inserted, but had not time enough (ittasd) to do so. I have kept them back, with a great deal of rough draughts, so that they may serve () for another (akhor) and a more extensive work which I mean to compile on the same plan, if God grant me time and if he aid me in my undertaking (wa waffak lil-aml). It shall contain (mahtawian) a mass (jumma) of that information which is required by persons who occupy themselves with these matters, and will dispense the reader from the necessity of recurring to a great number of books (wa yastaghni man yutaliâhu ân murajdat kutub kathira); for I have selected my notes from standard works of history and from the (authentic) accounts given of those who lived in ancient and in modern times. To the best of my belief (fi ma yaghlib ala dhanni), I have not neglected to consult any of the noted works which are in the hands of the public or any of those which are less known (al-khamila), whether they were voluminous or concise; and I have always taken care to select therefrom whatever seemed fit to enter into (fi) this work. It is my intention, with the will and the help of God, that it shall form more than ten (akthar min ashara) volumes; but assistance must be demanded from the Almighty and his aid must be implored to direct me (12). (1) About five pounds sterling. (2) Mr. de Sacy has given these verses in his Chrestomathie arabe, t. I, p. 13. (3) This Muslim died A. H. 208 (A. D. 823-4). We have spoken of him in vol. I, p. 25. (4) Literally: We know that authority is greater than he. (5) Al-Omardni (the two Omars) was a term employed to designate the two first khalifs, Abu Bakr and Omar. VOL. IV. 15 (6) The term al-kamarâni (the two moons) was employed to designate the sun and the moon. (7) The sikbāja was a dish prepared with barley-meal, minced meat and vinegar. (8) In some of the manuscripts, this biographical notice ends here. (9) The arabic imprecation is: no father to your father, and seems to signify may God's curse be on your ancestors. (10) The manuscript belonging to Mr. Caussin de Perceval has .which readings I do not understand او شدوا اليجاد and the edition of Balak و شدوا النجار (11) The following paragraph is to be found in professor Wüstenfeld's edition, but none of our manuscripts gives it except that which belongs to Mr. Caussin de Perceval. It is omitted in the edition of Bulak. I follow the text of Mr. Caussin's manuscript, that of the lithographied edition being very incorrect. (12) The work which our author here promised never appeared. The articles which follow were added to the present work by Ibn Khallikân himself, some years after the appearance of the autograph copy. See the note by which he concludes this volume. THE VIZIR IBN HUBAIRA Abû 'l-Muzaffar Yahya Ibn Muhammad Ibn Hubaira Ibn Saîd Ibn al-Hasan Ibn Ahmad Ibn al-Hasan Ibn Jahm Ibn Amr Ibn Hubaira was surnamed Aûn ad-Dîn (aid of the religion) and drew his descent from Shaibân (the progenitor of the Arabic tribe which bears this name). His ancestor Hubaira was the son of Alwân, the son of al-Haufazân, whose real name was al-Hârith, the son of Sharîk, the son of Amr, (or Matar) the son of Kais, the son of Shurahbîl, the son of Morra, the son of Hammâm, the son of Dhuhl, the son of Shaibân. Thalaba, Shaibân's father, was the son of Okâba, the son of Saab, the son of Ali, the son of Bakr, the son of Wâil, the son of Kâsit, the son of Hinb, the son of Afsa, the son of Domî, the son of Jadîla, the son of Asad, the son of Rabîa, the son of Nizâr, the son of Maadd, the son of Ad nân.—It is thus that his genealogy has been given by a number of authors, such as Ibn ad-Dubaithi (vol. III. p. 102) in his historical work and Ibn al-Kâdisi (vol. 1. p. 290) in his Kitâb al-Wuzard (book of vizirs). It was not made public till some years after his accession to the vizirate, when it was mentioned by the poets in their eulogies. He was a native of Kirya Bani Aukar, a village situated in that part of Irak which is called Dujail. It is the same place which bore the name of Dûr Armânya, and which is now named, after him, Dûr al-Wazir (the monastery or village of the vizir). His father belonged to the jund (or military colony (vol. II. p. 132) established there. Yahya professed the doctrine taught by Ahmad Ibn Hanbal. He learned Traditions, acquired considerable information in each branch of knowledge, learned the readings of the noble book (the Korân) and concluded that study by going over all the systems of Koran-reading and the different lessons which have been handed down. He studied grammar, became acquainted with the history of the desert Arabs and of their battle-days, cultivated assiduously the art of penmanship, got by heart the locutions employed by elegant speakers and applied himself to the acquisition of a good epistolary style. His master in polite literature was Abu Mansûr al-Jawâlîki (vol. III. p. 498) and, in law, Abû 'l-Husain Muhammad Ibn Muhammad al-Farrâ. He was also a pupil of the preacher Abû Abd Allah Muhammad Ibn Yahya Ibn Ali Ibn Muslim Ibn Mûsa Ibn Imrân az-Zabîdi (1). He learned the Traditions respecting the Prophet from Abû Othmân Ismail Ibn Muhammad Ibn Kaila al-Ispahâni, Abû 'l-Kâsim Hibat Allah Ibn Muhammad Ibn al-Hosain() the katib, and from those who came after them. He himself taught Traditions, some of which he had learned from the imâm al-Muktafi li-Amr Illah, the Commander of the faithful. A great number of persons received Traditions from him and, amongst them, the hafiz Abû 'l-Faraj Ibn al-Jauzi (vol. II. p. 96). The first office which he filled (under government) was the inspectorship of the plantations (ishrâf alakriha) (2) situated on the west (bank of the Tigris); he then passed to the inspectorship of the taxes paid in kind (al-ikâmât al-Makhzaniya), and was afterwards appointed inspector of the Makhzen or government stores (al-ishrâf bil-makhzan). This place he did not long fill, having been nominated, in the year 542 (A. D. 1147-8), clerk of the khalif's household (kitâba dîwûn az-zimam), from which post he was raised to the vizirate. The author who compiled the biography of Ibn Hubaira relates, in these terms, the motives which led to his nomination: "Amongst "the things which increased his influence and raised him to the vizirship was the "conduct held by Masûd al-Bilâli, the shihna (or resident agent) whom the sultan "Masûd Ibn Muhammad Ibn Malek Shâh the Seljûkide had established at Baghdad as his lieutenant. Al-Bilâli was one of those Abyssinian slaves and eunuchs who held so high a rank in the (seljak) empire. He used to behave with great impolite"ness in the presence of the khalif, transgressing the rules of etiquette which were always to be observed, and permitting his licentious followers to spread disorder 64 64 (through the city). Kauwâm ad-Din Abù 'l-Kasim Ali Ibn Sadaka, who was, at that time, the khalif's vizir, wrote a number of letters to the sultan Masùd, requesting him to reprimand al-Bilâli for his conduct, but could never obtain an 66 answer. When Aûn ad-Din was appointed clerk of the household, the khalif 66 I spoke to him on the subject and bade him write to the sultan. Aûn ad-Dîn, knowing that the vizir had already written a number of letters and that they had "remained unanswered, sent off request after request till he obtained a reply. The letter (which had this effect) was drawn up by himself, and I should insert it here, were it not so long; but I may mention, in a summary manner, that it con"tained good wishes for the sultan's welfare, reminded him of the exemplary con"duct held by his predecessors towards the khalifs, of their sincere obedience, the respect which they always shewed them and the protection which they afforded them against those who dared to thwart them. He then complained of Masûd alBilâli, mentioned that he written a number of times on that subject without receiving an answer and spoke to a great length on this matter. It was in the mouth "of the latter Rabî, 542 (september, A. D. 1147) that he wrote this letter. Very soon after, he received an answer containing the sultan's excuses with a formal disapproval of al-Bilâli's conduct. The khalif al-Muktafi was highly pleased to "have followed the advice of Aûn ad-Dîn and felt deeply obliged to him; so, Aûn ad"Dîn continued to enjoy his favour and was raised to the vizirate." The same author says: "Another motive which conduced to Aûn ad-Dîn's nomination was, that, in the year 543 (A. D. 1148-9), two of the sultan's emirs, one of whom was al-Baksh al-Masûdi, lord of al-Lihf, which is a place in Irâk, and the other, Ildegîz as-Sultâni, came to Baghdad with a numerous body of troops "and committed in it the greatest disorders. This will be found related in the books of annals (3). The vizir Kauwâm ad-Dîn Ibn Sadaka undertook to bring about an arrangement, but without success. Aûn ad-Din then asked and obtained the khalif's authorisation to treat with the invaders who had attacked him and, by his skilful management, he succeeded in putting a stop to their evil doings till such time as he had assembled sufficient forces to resist them, and "enabled the people to seize on their riches. This event was a means employed by destiny for the elevation of Ibn Hubaira and the dismissal of Ibn Sa"daka from the vizirate. Effectively, when this serious affair was terminated, the khalif al-Muktafi summoned Ibn Hubaira to his presence by a notification (mulâ 66 66 66 66 |