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I am not aware of the entire problem that you just described, but I would like to add just a few words on that. As members of a democratic society, we are often placed in a very difficult position.

How much can we restrict liberty and freedom in order to protect ourselves from a mortal danger?

This is a great conflict.

I believe in this case, however, we should not restrict the man who goes before a board in the choice of his lawyer. Let him choose any lawyer he wants and let him choose the best lawyer, and then go before the board of honest and sincere persons, who have no ulterior motives of any kind, and present his case, and let them decide what the position is and what the disposition of the case should be.

Now, I have found-I have never attended a loyalty hearing. However, I have read the transcripts of a number of them, and I have found that the same lawyers appear regularly at those hearings; at least most of the people are represented by members of one or two law firms.

Some of them, a very few of them, are represented by outside lawyers, by lawyers who have no connections with those two law firms that I have in mind.

The lawyers who are connected with what I might say are the usual law firms, in order not to make reference to that particular group, have no interest, or seem to have no interest, in the fate of the man whom they represent. They do not try to explain the circumstances, to justify the action; they do not try to dispute any of the evidence.

They are using the board hearing as a forum from which to accuse the U.S. Government. They make a point that the hearings are unconstitutional, or they try to make a point that the hearings are unconstitutional.

They try to make a point that the respondent is denied due process of law.

They try to make a great point out of the fact that it is not a court hearing, but it is administrative procedure, and that they are not permitted to see all the evidence.

They are, in other words, using this as a forum for propaganda, rather than as a place where they could do some good to the man who hired them to represent him.

The lawyer who is not normally involved in these activities will honestly and sincerely and to the best of his knowledge represent the man before the board.

He will bring out everything that is in the man's favor. He will try to explain the circumstances. He will try to refute the evidence. But he will not attack the Government in its effort to weed out subversive individuals.

I believe that the respondent before the board is much better served by the lawyer who has no usual connection with security hearings.

Senator THURMOND. What you have just described is typical of a Communist lawyer who goes before a board and tries to accuse our Government of denying due process of law and all those things, rather than concentrating on the evidence for a true defense of the man? Major BUCHSBAUM. Yes, indeed, sir.

Senator STENNIS. Senator, if you will yield to me on that, did you say you had attended these hearings or had not?

Major BUCHSBAUM. I have not, sir.

Senator STENNIS. You read the transcript?

Major BUCHSBAUM. I have read the transcripts; yes, sir. Senator STENNIS. All right, thank you. I did not understand. Senator THURMOND. From what you say, then, it seems that known Communist lawyers do defend these loyalty cases?

Major BUCHSBAUM. In most cases, yes. They are represented by the same few lawyers. The same names come up again and again. There are some exceptions, as I stated, and in those cases we can immediately notice, or I can notice it when I read a transcript of the hearing. I can immediately notice the real sincere effort of the lawyer to get the best deal for his client. This effort to get the best deal is missing in the case of the Communist lawyers who go before the board.

Senator THURMOND. And in cases where you read the transcript, it is typical of the manner in which the Communist lawyers operate? Major BUCHSBAUM. Yes, sir; I think so.

CASE OF ARMY OFFICER WHO HAD BELONGED TO COMMUNIST YOUTH GROUP

Senator THURMOND. Major, I have a documented case concerning a young Army major, who is currently serving in Vietnam, who belonged to a Philadelphia Communist youth organization in his youth. This officer did not know, until he served in the G-2 Section of 1st Army from 1960 to 1961, that he had, in fact, belonged to a Communist youth organization.

Only upon study of the Communist techniques of infiltration of youth groups did this Army officer realize that he had unwittingly served Communist propaganda purposes before entering the Army. I do not know whether you are familiar with this officer, who, I believe, had left 1st Army before you returned from Berlin.

This case is an example of the dire need for education in the military services to reverse the continuous inroads the Communists are making among youth, particularly in large metropolitan complexes. familiar with that case? I will not ask you to call the name

Are you or go into it.

Major BUCHSBAUM. No, sir.

I met the officer briefly. He left shortly after I arrived at 1st Army. I know whom you are referring to. I believe that that officer was careless.

The Army is doing everything in its power to make-I would not say everything in its power; that would be a judgment which I do not want to pass-but the Army is attempting to make its members aware of subversive organizations.

Now, that officer whom you refer to must have completed at least three or four, maybe five security questionnaires, before the incident that you just mentioned took place.

He must have signed DD Form 98, in which all the subversive organizations designated by the Attorney General are listed, many, many times.

Certainly, when he came to 1st Army, he must have done it, because 1st Army requires that any officer who joins G-2 read that form, sign the form, before the clearance that he brought with him is validated in the 1st U.S. Army.

So the officer, if he had taken the time to read the list of subversive organizations on DD Form 98, would have been aware of the subversive character of that organization at a much earlier date.

Senator THURMOND. In other words, if he had read the list of organizations when he signed the form, he would have known sooner than he did that the organization he joined as a youth was a Communist youth organization?

Major BUCHSBAUM. Yes, indeed, sir.

DEFECTION OF NSA EMPLOYEES

Senator THURMOND. Last Monday, I mentioned the case of the two Americans who defected from National Security Agency last year. I suggested the possibility that these two men, while serving in the Navy at Kami Seya Navy Base in Japan, had been recruited by Communist agents.

Only after their discharge from the service and their entry into National Security Agency did the Communist plot bear fruition by causing the defection of two knowledgeable civilian employees in NSA who had access to current highly sensitive cryptographic intelligence information.

I was just wondering, Major, if you feel that this is a pattern of long-range Communist subversion and defection?

Major BUCHSBAUM. I believe, sir, that you are referring in this case to espionage actually, and the case that you just described indicates a very common technique of placing so-called "sleepers."

They are people who try to get into a position in which they can do the most damage, and lay low for a long time until the proper time comes to report.

I believe that this is an accepted technique of the Communist gov

ernments.

PROBLEMS IN IDENTIFICATION OF SUBVERSIVE ORGANIZATIONS

Senator THURMOND. Recently, we had Colonel Burns, security officer of the Military Academy, before this subcommittee.

He presented a highly interesting evaluation of the increasing efforts made by the Communists to generate antimilitary attitudes and propaganda among American youth. When Colonel Burns was asked to give us a listing of Communist fronts in the New York metropolitan area, he hesitated as any good intelligence officer would do.

Without making reference to reliable publications, it is easy to name the wrong organization, and, of course, this is exactly what the Communists are waiting for.

As an example, Colonel Burns might have mentioned the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee, which is a Communist front and has well-established Communist Party membership. He did not mention it, possibly wisely so, because another organization under a somewhat similar title, the American Civil Liberties Union, is a civil-rights-type organization.

My point is that the identification of Communist fronts is a matter for specialists in the field.

Would you care to comment on that observation?

Major BUCHSBAUM. Yes, sir. In my daily work, I must recognize or I am supposed to recognize subversive organizations as quickly as

I can. If we have information on various affiliations and associations by individuals, and if we check them out, I must know whether that organization is a subversive organization or not.

At the same time, when we receive the completed investigation, I, again, have to write up a determination and a recommendation for the Department of the Army, and I must refer to the organizations in his background that are subversive.

Now, I need a guidebook for that like anybody else does, because I could not possibly remember and correctly cite all the organizations, and my guidebook for that is the Guide to Subversive Organizations and Publications by the House Un-American Activities Committee. Senator THURMOND. Is that the one published December 1, 1961? Major BUCHSBAUM. That is correct, sir.

Now, this book is very valuable for us for a number of reasons. The most important of them is that we can quickly flip the page and find the organization and find out whether it is cited or designated or not. Secondly, when we write our determination for the Department of the Army, we do have to document everything we say. We cannot just use our own judgment. We use our own judgment based on evidence, but first we have to present evidence.

If an organization is cited in this book, we can just refer to the fact that it has been cited.

If it is an organization which we determine is subversive, and it is not cited in this book, I have to go to a great deal of research in files, in organizational files, in order to prove to the satisfaction of my superiors and the Department of the Army that that organization is really subversive.

I wish that we had more up-to-date issues of this book.

As you may see, sir, this is the first reprint or revised publication since January 1957. That means that the old one was in use for 5 years. The new one now is only 5 months old, but already there have been many changes.

Now, the Communists are very quick to change names, to give up, just drop an organization that has served its purpose, and setting up a new one.

Unless we are continuously made aware by supplements to this book, or any other way that might be convenient, of the new organizations that arise from time to time, we have to do a great deal of research in every single case in order to determine if an organization is subversive or not.

I might give you some examples on that. The present youth organization of the Communist Party is The Advance. It is not listed in this book.

The youth organization of the Socialist Workers Party is the Young Socialist Alliance. This one is also not listed.

Now, we know that other comparatively new groups, the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and The 26th of July Movement, both connected with the Communist Government of Cuba, are also not included in this book.

I believe our work would be much simpler, and for those in the civilian community, who would like to keep abreast of Communist organizations, supplements, regular supplements to this book, would be most helpful.

Senator THURMOND. I believe this guide includes about 1,000 references to organizations and individuals who are members of the

Communist Party or who are cited in fronts cooperating with the
Communist Party, and, as you say, if it were kept right up to date,
it would be even more helpful, would it not?
Major BUCHSBAUM. Yes, indeed, sir.

CASE OF COLLEGE PLACING STUDENTS IN COMMUNIST CAMPS

Senator THURMOND. Now Major, I want to ask you a rather personal question which I think is of great importance to the subcommittee. I understand that your daughter, enrolled in a Boston college, was recently invited to attend a Communist summer camp in New York State. Would you please describe how this came about and what your reaction was concerning this situation?

Major BUCHSBAUM. I am afraid, sir, the circumstances were a bit different than you just presented. My daughter was interested in applying to a certain college, not in Boston, and sent for catalogs and literature on that college, as she had done on other colleges in which she was interested.

Now, when we received the catalogs, I went through the catalogs of that particular school and discovered that their placement program included only very few firms, institutions, organizations in which they place their students.

However, among the few in which they did place their students, there were two well-known Communist camps in New York.

I know that those two camps are cited right here in the guide, and for the benefit of those who might think that this is a witch hunt and those camps are really only cited because of personal spite, I have had many cases of individuals who where employed by those camps or who attended those camps, and, believe me, they are as "Red" as "Red" can be.

Nobody goes there or works there, who is not a Communist.

I was appalled by what I saw, because this, I believe, is carrying academic freedom a little bit too far. You do not have to influence your students to stay away from something, but you should not encourage them to go, to attend, or to get jobs at institutions and agencies that are Communist dominated.

And I took that particular college off the list of colleges to which my daughter was to apply, and she did not apply to that college.

NEED FOR EDUCATORS TO ACQUIRE KNOWLEDGE OF COMMUNIST TECHNIQUES

Senator THURMOND. Now, Major, the reason for my mentioning this is to point out the urgent necessity for Americans, especially those who are teachers, superintendents of schools and presidents of colleges, and so forth, to see more clearly the war we are in.

The cold war includes the subtle manipulation of youthful opinion, subversion and propaganda and the entire spectrum of cold war aggression of our Nation. I would visualize that a president of a college or even a principal in a high school might well have a member of his faculty become familiar with the Guide to Subversive Organizations to insure that patriotic Americans do not become entangled, against their own wishes, in Communist-front activities.

Now, in the case of your daughter, of course, it was fortunate that she could consult with you and that you could explain these matters to her.

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