Изображения страниц

that they will disregard no device, gimmick, or technique which will assist them to attain their ends. I place that which you have just described in this category:

Senator THURMOND. Also, before this same House committee, Dr. Carl F. Reuss, executive secretary of the Board for Christian Social Action of the American Lutheran Church, declared that:

It seems possible, indeed, that these interests catering to the warped, unbalanced, immature attitudes of many Americans toward sex can be used by the Communist conspiracy to undermine the foundations of our national life. Our abnormal glorifying, commercializing, and even idolizing physical sex, apart from its deeper and truer psychological, emotional, and spiritual meaning and without wholesome channels of expression, may be an American Achilles' heel toward which a clever antagonist can direct his darts of destruction.

Does your experience substantiate that such Communist cold war methods are being used against us?

Colonel Wilson. I can think of no specific examples. My former remarks would certainly apply equally to what you have just said, sir.

EVALUATION OF PUBLICATION, EVERGREEN REVIEW Senator THURMOND. Colonel, you may be familiar with a publication called Evergreen Review, which has been sold in military post exchanges. I should like to have you examine the issue of January, February 1961. Several paragraphs on page 1 are marked. Will you read the section marked "A” and tell us your impression of this sort of agitation ?

Colonel WILSON (reading): In every day's newspaper there are stories about the two subjects that I have brought up in "Growing Up Absurd”—the disgrace of the organized system of semimonopolies, government, advertisers, et cetera, and the disaffection of the growing generation. Both are newsworthily scandalous, and for several years now those kinds of stories have come thicker and faster. It is strange that the obvious connection between them is not played up in newspapers, nor in the rush of books on the follies, veniality, and stifling conformity of the organization has there been a book on youth problems in the organized system.

Shall I continue, sir? Senator THURMOND. Continue. Colonel Wilson (reading): Those of the disaffected youth who are articulate, however, for instance, the beat or angry young men, are quite clear about the connection. Their main topic is the system with which they refuse to cooperate. They will explain that the good jobs are frauds and sells, that it is intolerable to have one's style of life dictated by personnel, that a man is a fool to work to pay for installments on a useless refrigerator for his wife; that the movies, television, and book of the month club are beneath contempt, that the Luce publications make you sick to the stomach, and they will describe with accuracy the cynicism and one-upping of the typical junior executive. They consider it part of reason and honor to wash their hands of all of it. Naturally, grownup citizens are concerned about the “beatniks” and delinquents. The school system has been subjected to criticism, and there is a lot of official talk about the need to conserve our human resources, lest Russia get ahead of us. The question is why the grownups do not more soberly draw the same connection as the youth.

Shall I continue ?

Senator THURMOND. Now, next, Colonel Wilson, will you turn to page 26 and read the paragraph marked there.

Colonel WILSON. Yes, sir.

Senator THURMOND. Do not read it aloud, because it is too filthy for inclusion in a public record.

Colonel WILSON. All right, sir.

Senator THURMOND. Colonel, will you tell us, after you have read that paragraph, whether you consider this type of material to be in fact subversive in nature, and what effect the sale of such publications on military newsstands is likely to have ?

Colonel Wilson. Sir, my first reaction is that this is vile and utterly reprehensible, that it could have a subversive impact I would certainly say "Yes.” Whether its design is subversive directly from this quick reading, I am unable to say on this. But I find it utter trash.

Senator THURMOND. Now, could you please read the paragraph marked “A” on page 54, remembering that the clenched fist is the internationally recognized salute of the Communists, just as the outstretched hand was recognized as the Nazi and Fascist salute.

Colonel Wilson. Yes, sir. Read it out loud, sir? [Reading:]

Make up your mind. You can clench your fist, if only inside your pocket, or you can try to widen the scope of the human eye, rebellion, or adding a new kind of blue to the spectrum. But make up your mind.

Senator THURMOND. Now, does this reference have particular significance to you as to the original of such material?

Colonel WILSON. Yes, sir. I would be inclined to feel that this has a more specifically subversive intent than the earlier paragraph, which was purely pornographic trash.

Senator THURMOND. In other words, the propagandist has hidden not very cleverly here—the thought that youth fellow traveling in defiance of American principles, law and order, and our way of life-should bide their time and wait for the day that the party proclaims the emergency for all-out physical violence, which the clenched fist conveys for the Communists. I showed a wide range of hidden Communist propaganda artifices to an earlier witness, Colonel Wilson. This

one—the clenched fist— is another example of the methods used by Communist subversion, agitation, and propaganda to get their message across.

I believe you have already expressed your opinion on it.
Colonel WILSON. That is correct, sir.

Senator THURMOND. Now, Colonel, you will find on the last page of this book a reference made to George Grosz, who died in East Berlin in 1959. He did the art work included in this book. As you may know, George Grosz was an East German Communist who spent 27 of his years in the United States drawing pornographic, salacious, and other morally degrading materials. You will find some of his drawings in this book. Another reference on that same page is to C. Wright Mills, who, as you may know, is a member of the Fair Play for Cuba-Pro-Communist Apologists. C. Wright Mills speaks about his own idea for our "new left” and I would like you to follow me on page 122, the paragraph marked“A” which is a question asked of C. Wright Mills concerning the “Control of Public Opinion Through the Press and the Radio." In his reply, he states:

My own idea of a new left (which I am now trying to develop, but which I have not ret gotten straight) to replace the old left which has collapsed or become ambigious, is going to center, first of all, upon the cultural apparatus and the intellectuals within it.

Colonel, there can be little doubt about the fact that Mills aided Communist propaganda objectives in the United States. I presume you have read the pro-Communist book “Yankee Go Home" and other materials by Mills.

My purpose in spelling out these propaganda lines, Colonel Wilson, is to get your views as to what can be done in the military communities to insure a capacity: (a) to recognize propaganda when they see it; (b) to preclude its dissemination through military sales outlets or libraries; and (c) to inform the public of the hidden artifices of the propaganda to undermine faith in ourselves and our future. What can we do to accomplish these objectives?

Colonel WILSON. Well, sir

Senator THURMOND. I might say that this book was sold through the post exchanges in the 1st Army.

Colonel WILSON. Yes, sir.



I am quite inclined to return to one of my first remarks, and the responsibility of command. Although I did not state it precisely, I implied the necessity for a positive program on the part of the commander to indoctrinate his troops with certain values, certain precepts, which are in opposition to this kind of thing.

In other words, sir, I would like to emphasize one point that I feel very strongly. Whereas the flow of trash should be curtailed, whenever and wherever we can, this purely defensive portion of purely defensive act is not enough. It is in the positive side of this coin that we begin to make headway and that we present real problems for the Communists.

As long as we are purely defending and trying to just cut this down, some of it is going to leak through somewhere along the line. It is in the area of positive indoctrination of their troops to where they themselves can recognize this, and no longer be interested in it. It won't sell if there is not a customer. This of course extends-one of

your subquestions, I believe, related to the civilian community

Senator THURMOND. To recognize the propaganda when they see it. Colonel WILSON. Yes, sir.

Senator THURMOND. And then to preclude its dissemination through military sales outlets or libraries, and then to inform the public of the hidden artifices of the propaganda to undermine faith in ourselves and our future.

Colonel Wilson. Well, my first point has been command. It concerns command emphasis. I am not sufficiently informed on the screening methods used or review methods followed in determining what materials do go on the newsstands in our post exchanges and base stores. I would suggest that in this area

Senator THURMOND. It is a command responsibility, I believe it has been brought out.

Colonel WILSON. This is correct.

Senator THURMOND. But I am just wondering what can be done to get those commanders to realize and appreciate this problem—if you have any suggestions.

Colonel Wilson. Two things, sir. I think what is happening here right now has a definite pertinence in this area, including the aftermath of these hearings. Further, an increased emphasis on the training and education of the commanders in these areas in our military service schools and colleges, as I indicated earlier.


Senator THURMOND. Now, Colonel, are you familiar with a book entitled "The Peace Race" by Seymour Melman?

Colonel WILSON. No, sir; I am not.

Senator THURMOND. Well, this is being sold now, I might say, at Fort McNair, too. We have already referred to this in the record. I am not going into any more detail concerning this book. I might just read a line and a half there in chapter I, the very beginning:

The American military machine is clearly ineffectual in coping with international crises.

You can catch the tenor from that, or the nature of the book.



Colonel, I understand that in 1945 you wrote a paper at Fort Benning, Ga., entitled “Psychology of Military Leadership” which later became the basis for instruction at the Military Academy. Would you please outline the purpose of this study, and what you feel has been accomplished since 1945 to improve cold war leadership in the military?

Colonel Wilson. Yes, sir.
Senator THURMOND. Without going into great detail.

Colonel Wilson. Very briefly, this was not just a paper, sir. I had the task of establishing a short course in psychology of military leadership at the Infantry School, Fort Benning, Ga. Initially, for a few weeks, I was working alone, until the Leadership Committee expanded and I simply became one of its members.

The approach which I followed was simply to go around to successful combat commanders, from platoon leaders to division commanders, and collect all of the dramatic and worthwhile instances that I could find, case histories, of successful and unsuccessful leadership. Using the case history approach, to categorize these, I developed a course which eventually covered some 60 hours. I believe it was an effective course. These materials were taken to the Miltary Academy and integrated into what they were developing at the Academy at that time as a course in military psychology, or psychology of military leadership.

I might venture a purely personal comment, that on a subsequent return to Fort Benning some years later, I found that this subject was being handled at a rather high level of abstraction, and some of the factual instances which we had attempted to use earlier had given way to more esoteric and theoretical treatises on military psychology.

I believe, however, in our service schools and colleges, there has been a continuing emphasis since World War II in this area, with varying degrees of effectiveness, and overall I think that we have increased our knowledge in this area and have improved our instruction throughout this period of time.


Senator THURMOND. Colonel, what I want to point out here is that you apparently saw a need for widening the scope of military leadership training to include what is now recognized as the cold war. Morally, socially, and politically subversive literature such as we have disclosed could well be as vital a subject for preparedness as our readiness for hot war, including hardware, weapons, equipment, drills, and maneuvers. Will you please describe for us the application of cold war education which could improve “the psychology of military leadership”?

Colonel Wilson. I will try to do so, sir.
Senator STENNIS. Repeat that question, will you, Senator, please?

Senator THURMOND. I asked if he could describe for us the application of cold war education, which can improve the psychology of military leadership.

Colonel WILSON. In effect, if I may paraphrase a portion of your question, to insure that I understand it, sir, the kinds of education that we can offer in the cold war which will make our military leaders more effective. Would that be a proper paraphrase of the question?

Senator THURMOND. I think so.
Colonel WILSON. This is linked to my previous remark-

Senator THURMOND. I might say this before you start if you will excuse me for interrupting. Some people do not understand war unless it is a hot war.

Colonel WILSON. Yes, sir,

Senator THURMOND. And you agree of course—I am sure you do, from all you have said, and from your fine record—the cold war, that we are now passing through a cold war, and that it is important for us to win this cold war, and it is important for education to be given to win this cold war. I just wondered what thoughts you had.

Colonel WILSON. Yes, sir.

One, a brief review of history from 1945 to the present would contain a lot of weighty evidence to the fact that we are in a struggle. When we consider the number of countries which have gone behind the Iron Curtain, the millions of people, the uprisings, revolutions, insurgent movements, and so on, with which we are still confronted to date. There is no question but that we are in conflict.

Premier Khrushchev made this quite clear on January 6, 1961, in his speech in which he referred to wars of national liberation.

Senator THURMOND. Of what?

Colonel WILSON. Wars of national liberation as being acceptable or just wars, which the Soviets—and I am paraphrasing of coursewould bend every effort to support. He conceded that a nuclear war would go badly for both sides.

Secondly, hë ventured the opinion that a limited war could easily escalate into a nuclear conflict. He said that the Soviets would continue to practice and to support the spirit of coexistence. But he left himself an "out,” and his actions since then have proven that he meant what he said, when he stated that there were such things as wars of national libération, where certain nationalist groupings were attempting to throw off the colonial yoke, where underdeveloped peoples were yearning to be free, were trying to rid themselves of the Îast vestiges of archaic regimes that had bound them, and that the

80752-62-pt. 6


« ПредыдущаяПродолжить »