to secure a monopoly of their commerce. This is the fundamental principle of the policy of Great Britain. Obliged to draw the means of supporting a government of boundless extravagance from the profits of her trade, she seeks a monopoly to counterbalance the disadvantages under which she labors, from a ruinous system of taxation. Not that natural monopoly which arises from cheap supplies, but one created and protected by treaties and municipal regulations. To effect this, her diplomatic agents visit every quarter of the globe, and are followed and supported by her wealth and her arms. Every war has its preservation for an object, and every negotiation tends to extend and perpetuate it.

The American nations, on the other hand, seek no monopoly, but endeavor to establish their mutual intercourse upon the liberal footing of entire reciprocity. They feel that this policy is better suited to their condition, and that by their resources, enterprize and industry, they can acquire and enjoy a due share of the commerce of the world. The extravagance and ambition of goverments, founded upon wrong principles, have not compelled them to burden their industry by enormous duties and taxes. Their youthful energies are not repressed by impositions laid to dis

charge the debts which prodigal ancestors have left as a legacy to posterity. They enter into the competition of trade, free of incumbrances; with their resources undeveloped, and a virgin and unexhausted soil to supply the materials of commerce.

As the projector of this system, so destructive to her interests, and as her most dangerous competitor on the ocean, the efforts of Great Britain are more particularly directed against this republic. She feels that the United States is her most formidable rival, and her policy seeks to circumscribe the commerce, and check the growth of that navigation which threatens, at some future, but no very distant period, to wrest from her hands the sceptre of the sea.

The great change which has taken place in the condition of the American continent, has, at length, brought the commercial systems of the two countries into direct and hostile opposition. The object of each is the same-to secure to themselves as much as practicable of the commerce of the new states: the means are diametrically opposite.

The United States asks no favors, but depends upon the industry and enterprize of her citizens, unshackled by oppressive duties and restrictions, and favored by local advantages.

Great Britain depends upon the

great capital and skill of her manufacturers, and with diplomatic dexterity endeavors to secure a partial monopoly of their navigation, by admitting the right of Spain over her colonies, and the propriety of their purchasing the relinquishment of that right, by a grant of peculiar favors to the vessels of the mother country in their ports. This monopoly in favor of Spain, a kingdom destitute of navigation and manufactures, she would soon make her own by means of her capital, and it would, in fact, be the trade of English subjects through Spanish factors. This policy of Great Britain has been manifested in every step taken by her government, with regard to the Spanish republics. In all her diplomatic notes respecting them, to the government of the United States, France and Spain, she has advanced the principle, that Spain should be permitted to lead the way in recognizing their independence, and that no objection would be made to an agreement, securing for a limited time, a preference to the navigation and commerce of Spain in their ports.

The earnestness with which she has inculcated the propriety of this course, can scarcely be accounted for, except by a reference to her strong attachment to the colonial system, and her full conviction, that a preference by treaty, to a trade from the ports of Spain,

This

would be a stipulation in behalf of English subjects. In this light, it was viewed by the government of the United States, whose policy is altogether opposed to any preferences, either in its own behalf, or in behalf of other nations. fair and liberal policy has hitherto triumphed, and an insurmountable obstacle has been now interposed by the treaties concluded this year with the United States, by Colombia, Mexico and Central America, to the introduction of any preferences in behalf of European trade.

In her intercourse with the Spanish American states, Great Britain cannot avail herself of any influence, either direct from the countenance afforded them in their struggle for independence; or indirect through the mother country. She has no claim upon them, either as colonies or independent states. Their freedom was achieved by their own unaided efforts, and the only countenance afforded them, during the continuance of the contest, was from the United States. They viewed the struggle with a deep interest, excited by its resemblance to their own revolutionary war, and were the first to acknowledge their independence, and to welcome their admission into the family of nations. Even more, by a prompt and decisive expression of the determination of

the government, to support them against foreign aggression, (a determination received with the unanimous approbation of the American 'people,) they constituted themselves the guardians of the field of battle, and prevented any assistance from the Holy Alliance. This conduct has given to the United States, a powerful influence in the councils of the new republics, which has been uniformly exerted in behalf of the principles of free trade. The fairness and justness manifested by this government, in its intercourse with them, and the conviction that it had a common interest with them in the emancipation of the continent, induced them to invite the United States to participate in the deliberations of the Panama congress. This year the invitation was accepted, and ministers appointed to represent the United States in that assembly.

Since that invitation was given, new questions have arisen between the United States and Great Britain, respecting the colonial trade, which place the commercial systems of the two countries more directly at issue, and render the only badges of colonial subjection which the western hemisphere still bears, dependent on the result.

For several years previous to that period, the intercourse between the United States and the British

West India colonies, had been subjected to various regulations by the two governments, which rendered the continuance of that trade very uncertain.

The British government declined, in 1815 and 1818, propositions to regulate that trade, by the same convention which established the terms of intercourse between the United States and the European ports of England. From an attachment to the colonial system, it did not think proper to allow a commercial intercourse so beneficial to both parties; but continued to keep her colonies in a state of thraldrom, and to subject their trade with the United States to disadvantageous restrictions, so as to exclude American vessels from participating in it.

To prevent a monopoly so injurious to our maritime interests, laws were enacted by congress, which had the effect of putting an end to the direct, and afterwards to the indirect intercourse between the United States and the British West Indies, so long as American vessels were excluded from their ports.

As those islands depend upon the United States for the supplies of many productions necessary to their existence, this prohi bition induced the British government, in 1822, to open some of its colonial ports to American vessels,

which were permitted to import certain enumerated articles, that could not be obtained elsewhere upon such good terms. To favor their colonies, these articles were also subjected to a duty, which was not imposed on the same productions imported from the British North American possessions. This intercourse, limited as it was, was still more restricted by the local regulations of the islands; and the American vessels engaged in it, were subjected to so many inconveniences and burdens, imposed to secure a preference to British navigation, that congress was compelled to meet these regulations by a discriminating duty, laid on British vessels from the colonies. The government of the United States, however, was sensible of the injurious effects of this commercial warfare, and sought to remove the difficulties by negotiation. It of fered to settle the terms of this intercourse by treaty, so as to make it completely reciprocal: either a trade in all productions, and free from all restraints, or limited, and with reciprocal discriminating duties. The British government declined this offer, on the ground, that the colonial trade was peculiar in its character, and that it was the policy of Great Britain to regulate it by legislation, and not by treaty; it finally, however, so far yielded, as to offer a convention on

its part, for the regulation of that trade, but which, not being equal in its terms, was not agreed to by the government of the United States. While this question was still pending, the British government determined upon recognizing the Spanish American states as independent.

Shortly after that determination, by an act of parliament, passed July 5th, 1825, the West India colonies were opened to the vessels of other nations, and, about the same time, entrepots were established there upon the warehouse systern. The principle upon which the ports of these islands were opened, was, that nations having colonies, were to be admitted upon the same terms upon which British vessels were admitted to their colonies; and those without colonies, were not to be admitted, unless they placed the shipping of Great Britain, and of its possessions abroad, upon the footing of the most favored nation.

These laws were set forth, as indicating a change in the commercial policy of that kingdom, and an adoption of more liberal maxims of trade; but when viewed in connection with the condition of the American continent, they appear to be strictly conformable to the system of monopoly to which she has always adhered.

The South American states were

extensive markets for British manufactures, which they were obliged to pay for in raw materials. They possessed no colonies, and therefore, if they accepted the offer of trading with the British West Indies, it had the effect of placing English vessels upon the most favored footing in their ports-in fact, upon the footing of free trade, while the equivalent was a restricted trade with the British colonies. The same effect would have taken place if the United States had accepted of that offer. When properly considered, therefore, these laws seem to be only another mode of maintaining and perpetuating the colonial monopoly.

Their objects were twofold: 1st, to lay the foundation for a claim of favors in the ports of the South American republics, by throwing open her West India ports to their navigation, sensible that nothing could be apprehended from their competition; and 2dly, to ascertain their capability of supplying her islands with those staple commodities, which she before had reluctantly permitted to be brought from the United States.

By this apparent departure from her colonial system, she offered to the new republics a specious equivalent for commercial favors, and laid the foundation for further cir

public.

Having, it is to be presumed, ascertained that supplies could be obtained from those states, an `order of council was issued July 27th, 1826, closing the American colonial ports, excepting in Nova Scotia and Canada, to vessels belonging to the United States, after the 1st of December, 1826. To the offer made by the American minister, (Mr. Gallatin, who had just arrived at his post,) to renew the negotiation on this subject, the following pointed remark was made in answer, accompanied by a refusal to discuss the matter by Mr. Canning; a remark which fully explains the policy and design of his government. "It is not made matter of complaint," said he, "by the British government, that the United States have declined conditions which other nations have thought worthy of their acceptance.

It is, on the other hand, not the fault of the British government, if the United States have suffered the time to pass, at which it might have been an object of greater importance to this country to induce the United States to come into their (Anglice its) proposals."

The further prosecution of this negotiation, and the final decision of the question, form a part of the occurrences of the next year; but the agitation of the controversy,