nezuela, in January, 1827, with out waiting for the general convention of all Colombia. Suffice it to say, in respect to all the meetings alluded to, that their objects were so diverse; that the republic was justly declared, by Paez, to be, in a manner, resolved into its constituent elements. Venezuela and Apure, were for a federal union; Guayaquil adopted the Bolivia code; the Isthmus desired the Hanseatic system; some departments demanded a dictator, others merely a modification of the existing constitution, to which Cundinamarca still adhered, as the true social compact of Colombia. In such a scene of confusion, Bolivar was the only point, to which all, as with one accord, looked for the attainment of their several objects.

Hitherto, no bloodshed had arisen out of these revolutionary proceedings, other than such as ordinarily attends a mere civil commotion, and the pendency of martial law. But affairs now began to assume a more alarming aspect. Puerto Cabello refused to be bound by the doings of the late meetings at Caraccas, which caused Paez to hasten thither, to restore his authority. The government at Bogota, which, in the beginning of the disturbances, had not apprehended any serious consequences from - them; or, apprehending them, had concealed its fears, could

no longer pretend indifference to a revolution, which pervaded the remotest departments of Colombia; and was fatal alike to order and the constitution. But it had not power to enforce the laws, and could only wait, with the rest of the republic, to be relieved by the presence of one, whose coming might, perhaps, restore tranquillity, by substituting despotism in the place of anarchy.

On the receipt of communications from Guayaquil and Quito, announcing their submissive acts, the vice-president made a reply, utterly disapproving of their proceedings. General Santander declared, that so long as he was placed at the head of the government, and one solitary village could be found to respect the constitution, he would firmly sustain it, and sacrifice to it his life and fortune.

At Cumana, defensive operations were now commencing. General Bermudez, who persisted in his fidelity to the constitution, took possession of the battery, at the mouth of the Cumana river, and was joined by colonel Montes, who had previously promoted the revolutionary proceedings at Cumana. A slight engagement actually took place, in November, between general Bermudez and colonel Ruiz, who held Cumana for the revolutionists. General Bermudez had only a small force, and being de

General Pedro Briceno Mendez, having arrived at Puerto Cabello, November 22d, was prevailed upon to remain and take the command; colonel Cala, the governor appointed by Paez, having been deposed by the officers on duty there, in consequence of the doings of the last meeting in Caraccas. Paez, as we before stated, was desirous to reduce the town; but an attack undertaken by a few companies belonging to him was ineffectual; and he subsequently made an arrangement with general Mendez to suspend farther hostilities, and wait for the arrival of Bolivar.

Paez continued at Valencia, at this time, with the regular troops of La Guayra and Caraccas, determined to make no hostile movement himself; but only to act on the defensive if attacked. Individuals in La Guayra and Caraccas, were subjected by him to the strictest police regulations; and all foreigners were forbidden to interfere in political affairs by comments or otherwise; until intelligence came of the actual approach of Bolivar, when the rigor of military law was relaxed.

He had already reached Bogota. As he approached the capital, he restored tranquillity in all the towns through which he passed. At Guayaquil, he issued a proclamation, dated September 13th, an

bians," he said, "the sound of your discord penetrated my ears in the capital of Peru." He declared his devotion to every citizen of the republic to be the same, unchanged, undiminished, by their decisions. "Within your borders," he said, "there is but one to blame. I am the man. I have too long delayed my return. I present myself the victim of your sacrifice ;-let your blows fall on me;-they will be most acceptable to one, if they satisfy your animosity. Colombians, I am among you; let the scandal of your outrages, and the crime of your disunion cease at once ! There is no longer a Venezuela,-no longer a Cundinamarca,--let, us all be Colombians!"

Bolivar arrived at Bogota a month later than had been fixed; namely, November 14th; and although received with every token of enthusiastic welcome, yet indications were not wanting of suspicions concerning his fidelity to the constitution. But in his reply to the vice-president's address, he declared his resolution to maintain it, and to restore order by force of arms, if driven to that necessity. He assumed the extraordinary powers, which, by the constitution, he was authorised to exercise in cases of rebellion against the government. Commencing by prorogation of the congress, he proceeded

to institute various essential reforms in the administration; his direct and professed object being to diminish the expenses and re-establish the credit of the republic. With this intent, he proposed to reduce the army from 40,000 to 6,000 men; to sell or lay up most of the ships of war; to lessen the number of persons in office, by uniting several departments; and by these means, so to economize in the public charges, as to reduce them from fourteen millions annually, to three. Whatever ulterior motives Bolivar might have, whether true or false to the liberties of his country, it was impossible not to feel confident, that these changes would have a most salutary effect upon the distresses of the country.

An executive decree, dated November 23d, made known the changes in the president's authority. He assigned, as reasons for assuming extraordinary powers, three causes; the civil war in Venezuela; the danger of invasion from Cuba, in the distracted state of the

republic; and the desire of a majori

ty of the departments :-for which causes, he declared himself in the exercise of the transcendant pow ers emanating from the constitution; both for the purpose of reestablishing internal tranquillity, and for securing the republic against anarchy and external war. Among the testimonials of re

spect manifested towards the president on his return to Colombia, after so long an absence, were public addresses from the agents of foreign governments residing at Bogota. In the course of his reply to colonel Watts, the American chargé, he said; "This land places its happiness in imitating the examples of glory, of liberty, of virtue, which it receives from the United States."-If sincere in the expression of these sentiments, Colombia has nothing to fear from Bolivar's ultimate designs.

All his public addresses and proclamations continued to breathe the same spirit. So pressing was the necessity of his presence in Venezuela, that he remained but ten days at Bogota. Previous to his departure, he issued a proclamation dated November 23d, in. which he protested against the imputations of ambition, which arose from his assuming the supreme command, declaring that the destiny of the liberator was more sublime than the throne. “I return,”

he said," to submit to the insupportable weight of the magistracy; for in moments of danger to give it up were cowardice, not moderation; yet count on me, only until the law or the people recover their sovereignty."

Upon its being known in Venezuela that Bolivar was at hand, Paez issued a proclamation from

Bolivar left Bogota, November 25th, for Maracaybo, which he reached December 16th, accompanied by a numerous suite, where he was welcomed with the greatest rejoicings. Immediately on his arrival, he issued a proclamation, calling on the inhabitants of Venezuela, to refrain from farther bloodshed, and assuring them that a convention should be assembled without delay, for the redress of their grievances. A decree followed in a few days, setting forth, the existence of civil war, and the extraordinary powers vested in him; placing the departments of Maturin, Venezuela, Orinoco, and Zulia, under his immediate personal orders; commanding the instant cessation of hostilities; and declaring, that the electoral colleges should assemble, to determine when, where, and in what manner, a great national convention should be convoked.

Pursuing his rapid progress, Bolivar arrived in Puerto Cabello, the last day of December, and immediately issued a decree, guaranteeing

to every one perfect freedom, from molestation for any thing done or said, in reference to reform; together with security to the persons, property, and offices, of those engaged in that cause, but denouncing every subsequent act of hostility, as a state crime, to be punished according to law. Paez was continued in command, by name, as military and civil chief of Venezuela.

Thus have we brought the history of the interesting events in Colombia and Peru, down to the end of the year 1826, faithfully endeavoring to present an exact view of the deeds and declarations, of the prominent actors in scenes so remarkable. On taking a review of the pending revolution there, it would seem, that its origin was accidental, namely, the impeachment of general Paez; its progress confirmed and hastened by the discontents of certain departments, on account of alleged acts of misgovernment, attributable to the central system-its professed object, the assembling of a convention, for the reform of the constitution, immediately. Were all these things simulated to afford Bolivar a plausible pretext for usurping absolute dominion'? Or, when they had already happened, and began to threaten the overthrow of the state, and the prostration of its credit, did that all powerful individual, seize on the occasion to be

tray the liberties of his too confiding country? We confess, many circumstances, which the attentive reader will have gathered from our narrative, if they do not warrant, at least encourage, an answer in the affirmative, `to one of these two questions.

Yet, on the other hand, it is impossible to deny the evident necessity, in the actual contingency, for an extraordinary exertion of the personal influence of the liberator, supreme as he is, in the estimation of all parties, to allay their growing animosity. Whether his hand was, or was not, instrumental in fastening the knot, it is clear, that he alone, is able to unravel its tangled threads. And it requires no slight, nor ambiguous proofs, to shake the fame of Bolivar. The victorious apostle of freedom, the liberator of Spanish America, from transatlantic rule, can he, with the fate of a series of ephemeral usurpers before his eyes, can he prefer the ignoble career of Iturbide, to the peerless glory of Washington? While the events themselves are still

crowding onward, in rapid succession, we will not seek to anticipate the crisis, by pronouncing prematurely, a rash opinion concerning it. We hope the future designs of Bolivar, are as pure as his present professions. He is in the exercise of those transcedental powers, provided in · the constitution, for cases of the last resort-ne quid detrimenti respublica capiat. An extraordinary convention is to assemble immediately, instead of waiting until the year 1831, the period fixed for the trial of the constitution, in that instrument itself. If Bolivar discharges his duty to his country, to liberty, to his fame, to himself, he will truly have earned imperishable laurels. Civil war has already vanished at his word, as before an enchanter's wand. In Colombia, in Bolivia, in Peru, he is now supreme; we shall most heartily rejoice, if he proves to have assumed the dictatorship, not as prompted by any bad ambition, but solely, and honestly, for the salvation of his bleeding and distracted country.