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desired to belong; and stood pledged to provide for its defence and security. The republic did not seek a war with Brazil, and would strike only in self-defence; but would resolutely exert all the means in its power, to maintain the integrity and inviolability of its territory.

Pedro did not long delay in making a formal declaration of war, against the republic. Both among Brazillians and foreigners, but one sentiment existed, in regard to war; all thinking it impolitic and unjust, and fearing it would be fatal to the imperial dynasty, if long continued. Nevertheless, the declaration of war was issued, December 30th, and the most vigorous efforts made for prosecuting it with effect. Pedro declared Buenos Ayres, and the other ports of the republic, in a state of rigorous blockade. In Rio, all were engaged in fitting out the navy, and enlarging the army; and to supply them with men, the government resorted to the odious expedient of impressment by force.

To judge of the lawless and arbitrary proceedings of the government on these occasions, a single incident is sufficient. The province of Ceara was suffering for want of provisions, occasioned by drought. The president of that province offered Pedro 2,000 recruits; and the latter immediately chartered vessels, for the transport

of the people, who were indiscriminately seized by the soldiers. Their orders were, to impress and convey to prison, every freeman, able to bear arms, until the requisite number should be obtained. By such cruel means it was, that Pedro procured the supplies for his naval and land service.

Connected with the declaration of war, was a document of the same date, setting forth the reasons, in vindication of the mea

sure.

Pedro alleged that the province of Banda Oriental, was a member of the Brazillian empire, by right of conquest from Artigas, and by the subsequent acts of its inhabitants, who had voluntarily annexed themselves to Brazil. He denied, that the Argentine republic had any claims upon the territory, because Buenos Ayres and the Banda Oriental being alike insurgent Spanish colonies, neither of them possessed any rights of supremacy over the other. Finally, he accused the republic, of having excited Fructuoso Rivera to revolt, and furnished Lavalleja with resources to fan the spark into flame. These are, in brief, the fundamental grounds, upon which Pedro rested the justice of his cause, in his long and circumstantial manifesto.

The simple truth is, that neither Buenos Ayres nor Brazil has any substantial title to the Banda Ori

ental. When the revolution took place, Monte Video, with its dependant territory, was utterly averse to continuing subject to Buenos Ayres. It was the desire of the inhabitants to have an independent government. It was their right, so far, at least, as respected any claim of supremacy, from other Spanish provinces. Hence arose the success of Artigas. He could never have maintained himself independent of Buenos Ayres, had not the wishes of the Orientalists been with him. On the other hand, Brazil possesses not the shadow of a right to one foot of the territory, which it is seeking to hold. Hostile aggression, invasion, and conquest, it is true, gave the king of Portugal a species of title; but it was not one, which the conquered, themselves, were under any obligations to respect. They reluctantly submitted to the Brazillian yoke, until a favorable occasion came for shaking it off; and we heartily wish they may achieve their independence of such a govern

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own; desirous only, in either event, that it may be released from the arbitrary rule of Don Pedro.

We do not purpose to attempt giving, at present, a narrative of the military or naval operations of the last year, which have not, thus far, produced any decisive result. It has been alike prejudicial to the affairs of Brazil, and of her antagonist. Whilst Pedro has maintained a blockade, more or less effectual, of the river La Plata, the Patriots, on the other hand, cut up the Brazillian commerce, with their privateers and swift sailing cruisers. The republic, however, acts rather on the defensive, except in the Banda Oriental itself, all of which remained in the hands of the patriots at the last advices, save only Monte Video and Colonia. These two places continued in the same condition, at the end of the year, as at the commencement of the war; held by the Brazillians, but invested by the Patriots, with such means of maintaining a siege as they could command. On the sea, admiral Brown, the chief of the naval forces of the republic, has compensated, by his bravery, activity, and address, for the inferiority of his navy, and obtained many brilliant advantages over the Imperialists. Should he be joined by the Chilian squadron, according to expectation, their united strength would enable him to undertake

upon

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some enterprize of magnitude. gang into Brazil,-a mode of raisTowards the close of the year, the emperor himself sailed from Rio, for the purpose of prosecuting the war in person with renewed vigor; and the Patriot army, in the Banda Oriental, under general Alvear, was preparing for a movement the province of Rio Grande. By the prosecution of the war, as must be readily perceived, the commerce of neutral nations undergoes much inconvenience. It is more prejudicial to France and Great Britain, than to the United States; but it leads to repeated collisions, of no very pleasant nature, between our citizens and the Brazillian officers. We have mentioned the introduction of the press

ing soldiers and mariners well
suited to the genius of that govern-
ment, which persists to the last in
sanctioning the slave trade, when it
is declared infamous by law among
all other civilized nations.
dro's mercenaries, in the prosecu-
tion of their arbitrary levies, have
more than once had the audacity
to impress Americans. But this
abuse is of more limited operation,
than the futile attempts of the em-
peror to enforce a paper blockade,
which the United States have stea-
dily resisted, and, we trust,, will
never cease to resist, whatever high
examples of European authority,
Pedro may allege in vindication of
a principle so absurd,

CHAPTER X.

GREAT BRITAIN.--Ministers-Parliament 1825— Address-Catho lic Association-Catholic Relief. Finance and Trade-Other Laws-Greeks-Treaties--Pecuniary Distress-Parliament 1826-Currency-Finance-Slavery--Miscellaneous--Pecuniary Difficulties-Sufferings of Manufacturers-Dissolution of Parliament-Elections.

Of all foreign nations, the most interesting and instructive as a study for American statesmen, is England. It was the land of our forefathers, who, while they fled here for refuge from the cruelty, injustice, and bigotry of their mother country, brought with them too many of its institutions for their posterity to lose entirely the feel-ings of association with a people having a common language, a common origin, and kindred laws and literature. Our forms of legislation are borrowed in a great measure, from the English. Parlimentary eloquence is the same thing here that it is there; it is embodied in the same rich, copious, expressive, nervous tongue; it speaks to the people in either country, through the organs of the press, and bears the same vivid impress of popular oratory; it is attached, in no small degree, to the same topics of discussion. We are the rivals each of the other in maritime commerce, as we are in naval glory; and the leading measures of our internal

policy, have like objects, to wit, the encouragement of the sister arts of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce. We, however, enjoy the peculiar blessing of a republican government, which ensures to us equal rights, and enables us to employ our resources and faculties with the least restraint consistent with the maintenance of civil order. Economy, and frugality, also, as much distinguish our administration of affairs, as the opposite qualities do the practice of the British empire. But the very differences in policy between the two countries, constitute a source of instruction to us. We shall therefore devote a larger space to the history of Great Britain, than that of any other country will require.

During most of the period embraced by our plan, Great Britain has been at peace with all the world, if we except some slight contests in Western Africa, and the Burmese war, waged by her dependencies in the East Indies. Her measures of foreign policy will,

therefore, demand less of our attention, than the internal condition of the country, and the state of its great pecuniary interests, which have undergone essential changes. A large portion of the matter belonging to the national history, either consisting of acts of parliament, or of incidents very fully discussed in that body, we shall begin with a brief review of the parliamentary proceedings of the year 1825, premising an account of some of the principal cabinet minis

ters.

The earl of Liverpool, is first lord of the treasury, and prime minister. From his advanced age, he is not presumed to bear so large a share of the duties of administration as some of his colleagues; but is the principal organ of the ministry in the house of lords.

Lord Eldon has held the office of lord chancellor for a quarter of a century. He, like his brother, sir William Scott, now lord Stowell, has been eminently successful in life; and though the earl of Eldon cannot be denied the gifts of great acuteness and learning, yet he seems to have outlived much of his usefulness, and injured his fame by too great tenaciousness of office. In his political character, he sturdily opposes improvements in trade, in law, and in foreign policy; and the intolerable delays of his court, are the subject of great and merited

complaints. The appointments of a vice chancellor and a speaker of the house of lords, are expedients lately adopted for his relief from a part of the multifarious duties of the chancellorship.

The acknowledged head of the ministry in point of talents is Mr. Canning, secretary of state for foreign affairs. He was born in 1771, of respectable, but not opulent or distinguished parentage; and after a legal education, he devoted himself to the career of politics. He came into parliament at an early age in 1793, under the patronage of Mr. Pitt; and being distinguished for his literary acquirements and abilities, he speedily rose into notice. Under Pitt's ministry, he was introduced into office. On that great man's retirement in 1801, Mr. Canning also resigned his places; but resumed office on Mr. Pitt's restoration, and held it until his death in 1806. Afterwards he was a secretary of state a short time, but resigned in consequence of a misunderstanding with lord Castlereagh. Towards the close of this nobleman's life, Mr. Canning and he seem to have become reconciled; the former being made president of the board of control, and also accepting a mission to Portugal. When lord Londonderry suddenly died by suicide in 1822, Mr. Canning was preparing to go to India, in the capacity of governor general.

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