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Meetings were holden all over the country, and every thing done, for alleviating the distresses, which humanity could dictate, or liberality execute. Wholly to remove them, was impossible.

The consideration and adoption of suitable measures in parliament for relieving the manufacturers, formed the prominent business of its concluding weeks. It was at first proposed to make a national grant of half a million, for immediate distribution among the sufferers. This idea, however, was relinquished; and nothing was done, but to enact a slight modification of the corn laws; and even this was vehemently resisted by gentlemen of the country-interest. Nothing could be more unfeeling than their conduct. In the very districts where the keenest misery was felt, and where the poor were absolutely in a state of starvation from inability to pay the extravagant price of grain; the warehouses contained great quantities of bonded corn, which could not be brought into the market, owing to the rigorous prohibitions of the corn laws.

Bills were accordingly introduced in the house of commons, and after a strenuous opposition passed into laws, provided for the sale of bonded corn, on payment of a duty of 128. the quarter; and which also provided for a farther importation of foreign corn, during the recess

of parliament, if in the opinion of the cabinet it should be deemed necessary. The amount of bonded corn in the sea ports was about 300,000 quarters; and the ministers were authorised to introduce 500,000 quarters more into the market; so at least, as Mr. Canning observed, to do away the impression, that the people were famishing in the midst of plenty.

On the last day of May, parliament was prorogued by a speech from the lord chancellor, in behalf of the king. He applauded their public spirit in promptly endeavoring to relieve the sufferings of the manufacturers, which, he trusted, were in the course of gradual abatement. At the same time, he gave information of his intention immediately to dissolve the present parliament, and cause writs to be issued for a new election, at a period, which seemed most convenient for that purpose.

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than upon similar occasions; and in some places, the greatest disorders were committed. At Preston, the notorious Cobbett appeared as a candidate ; and displayed, but unsuccessfully, his characteristic felicity in the art of abusing his opponents. His brother reformer, Hunt, was also run against sir Thomas Lethbridge, at Ilchester; but failed. It was observed that the spirit of hostility to the catholics had somewhat diminished since the last election; and did not form so

potent an engine of electioneering as it did then. At Cambridge, for instance, the "no popery" candidates were rejected; and in Ireland, the friends of popular rights proved decidedly victorious, notwithstanding the immense interest exerted against them by some of the great protestant families. From all this, and other facts of the same nature, it is reasonable to infer that liberal principles have gained a little ground in the British parliament.

CHAPTER XI.

FRANCE.-Death of Louis XVIII.-Accession of Charles X.--Ministers-Chambers of 1825-Indemnity to Emigrants-Finances— Sacrilege Laws-South America-Hayti-Coronation-La FayetteProsecution of Journals-Death of Foy-Chambers of 1826-Law of Succession-Finance-Religious Disputes-Views of the Govern

ment.

Our register of events, properly begins a little subsequent to the decease of Louis XVIII., and the commencement of the ensuing reign; a period, that may justly be deemed an important era in the history of the restored Bourbons. Their government was now thoroughly consolidated, their dynasty fixed anew on the throne, and the crown had descended in peaceable succession to another of the posterity of St. Louis. The people were gratified with the pageantry of a coronation, a spectacle so agreeable to their taste and feelings. The success of their arms in Spain, once again victorious, after so many years of defeat,-restored then to the sense of self-confidence, as necessary to the prosperity of nations as to individuals; and caused them to forget, in some measure, the series of degradations, which the Bourbons had en

tailed on the French name. It was an epoch, also, when the clergy gained more power than they had for a long time before enjoyed; and this circumstance led, of itself, to important consequences. For the purpose, therefore, of presenting a more complete and intelligible account of the recent history of the country, we shall carry our narrative back to the accession of the now reigning monarch.

Louis XVIII., died the 16th, day of September, in the year 1824. His constitution had been gradually sinking, for some months previous thereto, under a complication of diseases; and he lingered but a few days after the first public announcement of his approaching dissolution. His body was immediately embalmed, and prepared to be exhibited in state, conformably with the national usages. It was placed in a half

recumbent posture, on a plain bed,
holding a crucifix, and wearing a
cap trimmed with lace, until the
coffin was in readiness; after which,
it was transferred to the throne-
room of the Thuilleries. There,
surrounded by heralds in splendid
apparel, with the great officers of
state, and ecclesiastics attached to
the court, lay the royal remains, in
a coffin covered with cloth of gold,
and surmounted with the crown,
sword, and sceptre, the ensigns of
the rank of the deceased. At the ex-
piration of a week, his funeral so-
lemnities were celebrated with all
the pomp suited to the occasion;
and his remains were deposited in the
chapel of St. Louis, there to remain
for 30 days, when they were finally in-
terred in the vault of the Bourbons.
Louis XVIII., at the time of his
decease, was sixty-nine years of
age. His wife, a princess of the
house of Saxony, died in the year
1810. His own life was marked
by a long course of the greatest
vicissitudes of fortune, having been
born and educated amid the luxu-
ries of an absolute court, and dying
in the exercise of royal power, but
having spent many of the intervening
years in foreign countries, a wan-
dering outcast, and a pensioner at
the board of the ancient enemies
of his line and his nation. He
possessed a taste for letters, and
many qualities, which were better
adapted to adorn a private station,

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than to bear him happily through the troubles of exile, or the cares of empire. Having such a character, and immediately following on the throne, a prince, whose brilliant career was guided by the most splendid abilities,-nothing but necessity, and the state of the country, which demanded repose, could have reconciled the kingdom to his forced and inglorious rule. But the courtly flatterers of his hours of prosperity, embraced the occasion of his illness and death, to indulge in a strain of the most extravagant lamentation and eulogium, as insincere, as it was illtimed. Among the pieces which the event produced, none was more remarkable than a pamphlet by M. de Chateaubriand, entitled Le Roi est mort, vive le Roi, whose title aptly illustrates the affectation, antithesis and absurdity of the work.

The count d'Artois, who now ascended the throne as Charles X., prior to his brother's funeral, received at St. Cloud, the congratulations and addresses of the various orders of the state, the peers, the chamber of deputies, the diplomatic body, the military, the academy, to all which he expressed his confidence in the good will of his subjects, and his determination to make their welfare the sole object of his ambition. Four days after the funeral, he left St. Cloud, to enter the city of Paris in state.

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