relations between Spain and the new states, is the fate of the Spanish Islands, particularly Cuba. If the war continues, the invasion of that island will be attempted; it is an avowed subject of discussion at the congress. This is a subject of the greatest moment to the United States, in every respect. We have an intercourse with that island, which acts upon our industry in all its branches. The Moro may be regarded as a fortress at the mouth of the Mississippi; and, what is infinitely more important, unless Cuba should be invaded by an overwhelming force, (such a force as the new states will hardly be able to organize,) that invaluable island may renew, almost within sight of our shores, the terrific example of San Domingo.-Any effort on the part of the United States to avert such a catastrophe would be cheap ly made; none could justifiably be omitted. Had the government of the United States, after being invited to attend a conference of the ministers of the powers by whom that invasion is projected, declined to be present, they would have been heavily responsible to the people for whatever disastrous effects our friendly interference might have averted or delayed.

"The last general class of subjects to be discussed and treated at Panama, are the direct interests between the United States and the

new republics; unquestionably, as far as we are concerned, the most important branch of the negotiations. With several of these powers we have no treaty whatever. With Mexico-as appears from the correspondence between the secretary of state and Mr. Poinsett-we have been unable, as yet, to form a treaty on satisfactory conditions; and the obstacles which have hitherto prevented this from being done, are precisely such as are most likely to be removed at a conference of ministers of all the new

states.

"At such a conference, we shall, of course, possess the best opportunity of establishing uniform and liberal relations with all. The arrangements to be made with them comprehend the great principles of belligerent, neutral, and commercial law, as set forth in the general instructions to Mr. Anderson, by the then secretary of state. The United States have long been laboring to introduce into every branch of public law, principles of liberality, equality and humanity, hitherto unknown in its codes. The various respects in which our policy, in many leading points of the laws of war and trade, differs from that of Europe, are well known to the house, and need not here be stated. The republic of Colombia, in inviting our attendance at the congress, has asked for herself and

her sister republics, the benefit of our experience in the great school of international politics. To refuse our attendance at the congress, when urged on this ground, would be to neglect to seize, perhaps, the fairest opportunity which the history of the world ever afforded, of giving a wide and prompt diffusion to liberal doctrines of public law. It would certainly put it out of our power to complain of any policy these states might adopt, however unfriendly toward our interests, and however vicious in principle.

"Such are the views of the committee, with respect to the several classes of subjects which will be discussed at this congress. It is a very obvious reflection, that our attendance may have a powerful effect in giving a character to the assembly itself. Our presence is particularly requested by one of the new states, who have joined in the invitation on the ground of the 'importance and respectability' which would thence attach to the congress. The committee do not foresee the possibility that, under any circumstances, the congress could become an inconvenient or dangerous assembly. But if it be thought by any one, that evil consequences are likely to flow from it, the prospect of such consequences would furnish new reasons why we should be represented at it. Whatever opinions may be held of the expe

diency of such a meeting, in itself, it would seem that there could be but one opinion as to the duty of our attendance at the congress, to correct the pernicious tendency which it may be feared to have. To neglect to attend the congress, because it was a combination of unfriendly aspect, would be to neglect the ordinary preparations of defence, precisely because there was danger of war. Viewing the congress at Panama in this unfavorable light, (for which, however, the committee apprehend there is no reason,) no administration of the executive government would stand justified to the country, without taking measures, most promptly, to be informed of its proceedings. If not invited, to send authorised and accredited ministers, it would have been their duty to send private political agents.

"The committee have felt it their duty to consider this question, chiefly on strict grounds of political expediency, and in reference to the principle of our diplomatic intercourse. They, however, accord in sentiment with the president, that a sufficient inducement to accept the invitation would have been

United States, toward the new republics, has ever been regulated by the maxims of a frank and liberal policy. Had we acted toward them, even as we have felt it our duty to act toward Europe, our course would have been essentially different. Had our feelings toward them been the same as those which our political fathers have inculcated toward Europe, we should certainly have regarded it rather as an evil than a benefit, that so many new republics, of which the greater part must be powerful states, are rising into existence on the same side of the water as ourselves. We are henceforward to be without that which has formerly been regarded as the great bulwark of our national security, our geographical distance from every other powerful state. But we have not hesitated to break down this bulwark. We have gone to meet and welcome the new republics. We have ourselves assisted to exchange weak colonial, for powerful sovereign neighbors. As far as it depended on us, we have chosen to place the regions, on our immense southwestern frontier, beneath the government of vigorous republican institutions, instead of having them under the safe and enervating despotism of Spain. In the judgment of the committee, this has been a sound, a great, an auspicious policy. It was not rashly adopted; it was long deliberated,

well weighed, and at length received its sanction in the unanimous voice of this house, and the acclamations of the people. From this policy it is now too late to recede. We cannot now do much to obstruct the growth of the new states; we can do every thing to conciliate and attach them, or to estrange and disgust them. The first course will promote the general cause of liberty, will perpetuate friendly relations between the two great portions of this continent, to the mutual advantage of both; and will render us more and more independent of Europe. The latter course will tend to revive in the new world, the false and pernicious maxims of the old; to teach neighboring republics to fix on each other the fatal name of natural enemies; to create piratical and border wars ; to generate systems of exclusion; and, finally, to establish, in this hemisphere, those political principles and habits which bave caused the downfall of so many foreign states,made so many others stationary and languishing, and checked the growth of all. We are now to consider, whether we will take the first step in an unfriendly and repulsive policy, by refusing to accept the courteous invitation of three most respectable neighboring governments, tendered in a manner equally creditable to their delicacy, and flattering to the Uni

ted States. Nothing but a certainty of pernicious consequences to result from our attendance at the congress, would, in the opinion of the committee, be sufficient to justify our refusal to accept such an invitation. As our attendance at the congress, instead of being prejudicial to the public interests, is, in the judgment of the committee, a measure of the most obvious political expediency; as it is stipulated to bring into no hazard the neutrality of the United States; as all fears of an entangling alliance have been shown to be unfounded; in a word, as the congress will be regarded by the executive of the United States, as purely a consultative meeting; and as the objects of consultation are of primary importance to the country, the committee on foreign affairs are of opinion that the mission to Panama ought to receive the sanction of the house of representatives ; and they accordingly recommend the adoption of the following resolution':

resolution was taken into consideration by a committee of the whole house, on the state of the union; and Mr. M'Lane, of Delaware, submitted the following amendment to it, viz :

"It being understood as the opinion of this house, that, as it has always been the settled policy of this government, in extending our commercial relations with foreign nations, to have with them as little political connection as possible, to preserve peace, commerce, and friendship, with all nations, and to form entangling alliances with none; the ministers who may be sent, shall attend at the said congress in a diplomatic character merely; and ought not be authorised to discuss, consider, or consult upon any proposition of alliance, offensive or defensive, between this country and any of the Spanish American governments, or any stipulation, compact, or declaration, binding the United States in any way, or to any extent, to resist interference from abroad, with the domestic concerns of the aforesaid governments; or any measure which shall commit the present or future neutral rights or duties of these United States, either as may regard European nations, or between the several states of Mexico and South America: leaving the United States free to adopt, in any event which may happen, affecting