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SPEECH of his Majesty the Emperor of BRAZIL, delivered in the Senate Chamber, on the 6th of May, 1826, at the opening of the National Assembly.

August and most dignified Representatives of the Brazilian nation-For the second time I have the pleasure of presenting myself before you, at the opening of the national assembly. I infinitely regret that it has not been opened on the day marked out by the constitution, after the government had contributed on its part as far as it could to avoid a postponement of the law.

On the 12th November, 1823, I dissolved the constituent assembly, painful as it was, and from motives which are not unknown to you. I, at the same time, promised the project of a constitution; this was accepted, and sworn to, and this day it is the political constitution which reigns in this empire, and in virtue of which this assembly is re-united.

The harmony which it is desired should exist among political departments, prevails in this constitution in the best possible manner. The whole empire is tranquil, except the province of Cisplatina. The continuation of this quiet, the necessity of the constitutional system, and the desire which I have that the empire be governed by it, point at the harmony that should guide the senate and the chamber of deputies, and also the government and both chambers; and that all may be persuaded that revolutions are not the fruit of this system, but of those persons who, under its shade, seek to put in practice their own private ends.

The Cisplatina province, as I have already said, is the only one not in a state of quiet, for there have revolted ungrateful men, who

owe much to Brazil, and who are now aided by the government of Buenos Ayres, which is actually struggling against us.

The national honor demands that the Cisplatina province should be sustained, for the integrity of the empire is sworn to.

On the 15th November of last year, the independence of Brazil was recognized by my august father, Don John the sixth, of glorious memory, which was followed by that of Austria, England, Sweden, and France, the same having been done long before by the United States of America.

On the 24th April, of the present year, the anniversary of the embarkation of my father, Don John sixth, for Portugal, I received the unfortunate and unexpected intelligence of his death.

The most poignant pain has possessed my heart. Finding myself, when least expected, the legitimate king of Portugal, Algarves, and their dominions, the course which I ought to pursue is presented to me suddenly. Grief and the sense of duty alternately occupying my soul; but putting all other considerations aside, I look to the interests of Brazil. Attending to my word, I shall sustain my honor; I am free to congratulate Portugal; and it would be indecorous of me not to do so. What would not be the affliction tormenting my soul when seeking the congratulations of the Portuguese nation, without offending the Brazilian, and of separating them, (although already separated,) that they should never again be united!

I have confirmed the regency in

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Portugal, which my father had created. I have given an amnesty. I have given a constitution. I have abdicated and ceded all the indisputable and irrefragible rights which belonged to the monarchical crown of Portugal, and the sovereignty of those kingdoms, to the person of my much beloved and dear daughter, the princess Donna Maria da Gloria, now Donna Maria the second, queen of Portugal. This was proper for my honor and the good of Brazil. Thus some Brazilians, though incredulous, will know, (what they ought to have known,) that the interests of Brazil, and the love of her independence, are strong in me; that I have abdicated the crown of the Portuguese monarchy, which by indisputable right belonged to me, only because at a future day it might not compromit the interests of Brazil, of which I am the perpetual defender.

It will merit your most sedulous care to provide for the education of the youth of both sexes, for the public revenue, all other public es

tablishments, and first of all, the formation of judicious laws, as well as the repeal of others directly opposed to the constitution, that by this we may be guided and exactly regulated. The most part of the senators and deputies, who compose this assembly, must well recollect the evils which some nations have suffered from a want of that respect due to the constituted authorities, when these have been attacked and menaced, instead of being proceeded against according to law and universal justice.

I well know that these, my reflections, are not necessary before this assembly, composed as it is of such dignified senators and deputies; but they will serve as an assurance of the zeal, love, and interest which I really take in the Brazilian empire, and in the observance of its constitution. Much more could I recommend to you, but I deem it unnecessary on my part.

CONSTITUTIONAL EMPEROR, And perpetual defender of Brazil.

THE CHEVALIER DE GAMEIRO TO MR. HURTADO. [TRANSLATION.]

Park Crescent, 30th October. 1825. Sir-I fulfil to day, a very agreeable duty, in announcing to you, that the emperor, my master, to whom I made known the note which you addressed to me on the 7th June last, has been pleased to accept the formal invitation which the government of Colombia gave to him; that Brazil should join the other states of America about to assemble at Panama, to arrange in common their mutual relations, and fix their respective political and commercial system.

The policy of the emperor is so generous and benevolent, that he will always be ready to contribute to the repose, the happiness and the glory of America. And as soon as the negotiation relative to the rerecognition of the empire shall be honorably terminated at Rio de Janeiro, he will send a plenipotentiary to the congress, to take part in the deliberations of general interest which shall be compatible with the strict neutrality which he observes between the belligerent state of America and Spain.

Such, sir, is the answer which I

am to make you, adding that the emperor appreciates the friendship of the Colombian government, and it will give him pleasure to cultivate it. Happy to be the organ of the sentiments of my august master, I pray you to accept the renewed assurances of the high consideration

with which I have the honor to be, your most humble and obedient servant,

THE CHEVALIer de Gameiro.

His Excellency, MR. HURTADO,
Minister Plenipotentiary of the
Republic of Colombia, London.
J. M. GOMERIA, Secretary of Legation.

CHILI.

Exposition made by a majority of the CHILIAN Congress, of the causes that induced its dissolution.

The respect due to the opinions of men, and the responsibility of the high trust of representing the rights of the people, oblige the undersigned to publish their reasons for the communication made to the executive on the 15th instant.

We make this representation, for the benefit of those citizens of the republic, who did not witness the disgraceful scenes on the nights of the 12th, 13th, 14th, and 15th. This capital, which has been the theatre of these occurrences, would excuse us the labor. It was as sensible as ourselves, of the necessity of arresting a disorder which threatened the utmost excesses. Our interference, operating with its wishes, restored tranquillity to the place, and dispelled from the imagination of the citizens, the frightful image of a revolution which had already broke forth. Armed citizens, at the bar of congress, shouting tumultuously, others outside, invoking the omnipotence of the people, and clamors within the hall, for the expulsion of a member who had addressed the citizens in a manner unpleasant to them, were circumstances, considered by men enlightened by ex

perience or history, as the flash preceding the bolt, or rather as anarchy fully exhibited. There were only wanting tribunes of the people demanding their victims, and that the national legislature should find them guilty of crime.

The sanctuary of law being profaned, and the majesty of the people being violated in the persons of their representatives, many of the subscribing deputies requested of the president a full and extraordinary meeting of the house, to consider upon the suspension of its

sessions.

The incidents of previous nights made precautions absolutely necessary. The house, from this consideration, resolved to meet in se cret session: but their deliberations were interrupted by a body of peo ple, who thronged to the doors of the congress, with threats and vo ciferations.

The house adjourned till 10 o'clock of the next morning, and directed the principal doors to be kept closed, that the hall might not be occupied by anticipation. The disorder without, was less alarming during the session, but the like spirit seemed to have penetrated the hall itself. We may be permitted,

in honor to the country, to pass silently the occurrences which took place within the house on that day. They were such, that the undersigned, abandoning all hope of a central assembly, declared their absolute separation, and retired to communicate it to their constituents, and resolved, unanimously, to notify the executive, recommending to him the public peace, so greatly disturbed.

Our object in this short exposition, is to prevent the astonishment of those who, without a knowledge of the facts, have been apprised of the dissolution of the congress.

We believe that honorable men will appreciate our motives, and approve a beneficial resolution.

Our regret is sincere, that the legislature has left the republic unprovided with important laws. We are, however, consoled with the reflection, that the government will speedily restore the representation, and that the people will be convinced, notwithstanding the unfortunate results of former con gresses, that they are the only source of felicity to the republic. Signed by nineteen deputies. Santiago, May 16, 1825.

CENTRAL AMERICA. ABOLISHMENT OF SLAVERY.

The general assembly of the United Provinces of Central America, conceiving that the system of government adopted by this republic, would differ in nothing from that heretofore imposed by Spain, were not the principles of liberty, equality, and justice, to be extended to every citizen of these states; and believing that it would be unjust in a free government to suffer a portion of our fellow men to remain in slavery, and not to restore them to their natural condition, the possession of liberty, and wishing at the same time to indemnify the owners of slaves for their emancipation, has passed the following decree :

1. From the publication of this law, all slaves, of every age and sex, in every part of the confederated states of Central America, shall be free; and, hereafter, shall no persons be born slaves.

2. No person born or naturalized in these states, shall hold another in slavery under any pretext, nor traf

fic in slaves within, or out of these states. In the first case, the slaves shall become free; and in both, the trader shall loose the rights of citizenship.

3. No foreigner engaged in this traffic, shall be admitted within these states.

4. The regulations and orders of the Spanish government, giving freedom to those slaves who shall escape to these states from others, to regain their liberty, shall be preserved in force; observing, however, the stipulations on this subject, by public treaties.

5. Each province of the confedderation, respectfully, shall indemnify the owners of the slaves, after the following manner:

"1. The owners of slaves under twelve years, who may claim indemnity for the parents of these slaves, shall have no claim on account of their emancipation. If indemnity be made for the father or mother alone, of the said slaves

they shall be paid for, at half their just valuation. Persons, who may have liberated the parents of such slaves under twelve years, shall be indemnified for them, at their full value. Those who shall have acquired such slaves by purchase, shall receive indemnity for them, at their proper value, as for slaves above twelve years of age.

"2. For slaves above the age of twelve years, indemnity shall be made as provided by regulations to be formed for this object.

"3. No indemnity shall be allowed for slaves above fifty years of age."

6. In every province, a fund shall be created from duties to be imposed for the special purpose of indem

nifying the owners of slaves. The collection and management of these funds shall belong to the junta of indemnification which shall be established in each province, under the regulations to be enacted.

7. Every owner of slaves, who, after the publication of this law, at the place or town where they reside, shall compel them to any service, or shall prevent them from applying to the nearest municipality of their document of liberation, shall be tried and punished, as provided for in the case of those who conspire against personal liberty; and they shall, moreover, be subjected to the loss of the indemnity for the value of the slave, who shall be so treated.

HAYTI.

PROCLAMATION of JOHN PIERRE BOYER, PRESIDENT of HAYTI.

A long oppression had borne down Hayti: Your courage, and your heroic efforts raised her, twenty years since, from degradation to the rank of independent nations. But your glory demanded one other triumph. The French flag, coming this day to salute the land of liberty, consecrates the legitimacy of your emancipation. It was reserved to the monarch of France, not less religious than great, to signalize his advancement to the crown by an act of justice, which at once adds brilliancy to the throne from whence it emanates, and to the nation which is its object.

Haytiens! A special ordinance of his majesty, Charles X., dated 17th April last, recognizes the full and entire independence of your government. This authentic act, by adding the formality of law to

the political existence which you have already acquired, will give you that rank in the world, in which you have been placed, and to which Divine Providence calls you.

Citizens! Commerce and agriculture will now be greatly extended. The arts and sciences, which rejoice in peace, will be highly im proved, to embellish your new situation with all the benefits of civilization. Continue, by your attachment to national institutions, and above all, to your union, to be the terror of those who would desire to disturb you in the just and peaceable enjoyment of your rights.

Soldiers! You have merited well of your country. Under all circumstances, you have been ready to combat for her defence. The fidelity of which you have given so many proofs to the commander of

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