On what basis the relations of Hayti, and of other parts of our hemisphere that shall hereafter be in like circumstances, are to be placed, is a question simple at first view, but attended with serious difficulties when closely examined. These arise from the different manner of regarding Africans, and from their different rights in Hayti, the United States, and in other American states. This question will be determined at the isthmus, and, if possible, an uniform rule of conduct adopted in regard to it, or those modifications that may be demanded by circumstances.

The undersigned merely makes these suggestions by way of example; it is left to the wisdom of the governments, and the judgments of their representatives, to propose whatever may be esteemed of common good to the new hemisphere. Inviting the United States, in the name of Colombia, to a congress, the mere assembling of which will increase the political importance of America, and show the facility with which she can combine the resources in defence of common rights, when necessary, the undersigned hopes that the United States will make an early appointment of a person or persons to represent them in this assembly, as the conditions that were required have been fulfilled.

The undersigned has the honor to offer to the hon. Henry Clay his most distinguished consideration. JOSE MARIA SALAZAR. Washington, Nov. 2, 1825.

MR. OBREGON TO MR. CLAY. Legation of the United States of Mexico. Washington. 3d Nov. 1825.

The underwritten minister plenipotentiary, has the honor of

informing the hon. secretary of state, that he has communicated to his government the conversations which occurred between them, on his making known to them the determination of the governments of Colombia and Mexico, to form a congress of representatives from the new states of the continent, who to that end had been invited; in which were to be discussed, subjects of general interest to all the American powers, as well as those which might be particularly suggested by the existence and actual position of the new powers; and, in the meeting of which, it was thought proper, by the government of the subscriber, that the United States of America by means of their commissioners, should constitute and take part, as being so much interested in the first and principal subject, upon which the congress would be engaged.

In consequence of which, being informed of the concurrence of this government, in the idea of discussing the first point in a congress as was desired, and that it would send representatives to it, under condition, that the neutrality in which it stood towards Spain, should not be violated; and that it should be invited thereto, by the republics of Mexico and Colombia, who should, moreover, signify the affairs with which it was to be occupied, to promote its object and the necessary uniformity of credentials or authorization of the respective representatives: the president of the United States of Mexico, has charged and commissioned anew, the underwritten to make the invitation, and to point out the affairs as stated.

The government of the subscri

ber never supposed, nor desired, that the United States of America would take part in the congress about to be held, in other matters than those which, from their nature and importance, the late administration pointed out and characterized, as being of general interest to the continent; for which reason one of the subjects, which will occupy the attention of the congress, will be the resistance or opposition to the interference of any neutral nation, in the question and war of independence, between the new powers of the continent and Spain. The government of the undersigned apprehends, that as the powers of America are of accord, as to resistance, it behoves them to discuss the means of giving to that resistance all possible force, that the evil may be met, if it cannot be avoided; and the only means of accomplishing this object, is by a previous concert as to the mode in which each of them shall lend its co-operation; for otherwise, re、sistance would operate but partially, and in a manner much less certain and effective.

The opposition to colonizations in America by the European powers, will be another of the questions which may be discussed, and which is in like predicament with the foregoing.

After these two principle subjects, the representatives of the United States of America may be occupied upon others to which the existence of the new states may give rise; and which it is not easy to point out or enumerate: for which the government of the United States of Mexico will give instructions and ample powers to its commissioners, and it trusts that those from the other powers may bear the same.

The congress is to be assembled at Panama, at which city the representatives from Colombia, Peru, Guatemala, and Mexico, will have already arrived, at the date of this; they will be engaged upon the preliminary rules of the assembly; and likewise upon questions which belong exclusively to the belligerents.

The United States of America may send their representatives to that city, to take part in those questions, which, long since, they were the first in declaring to the world they regarded as of transcendant importance to the interests of all America; and in others to which the formation of the new states will give rise; the concurrence in which will moreover accomplish the object so much desired, by the respective governments, of manifesting, by deeds, the disposition and facility which the powers of this continent possess, to act in concert in the com

mon cause.

To which end, and in compliance with the tenor of the conversations held with the honorable secretary of state, the underwritten minister plenipotentiary invites this government to send representatives to the congress of Panama, with authorities as aforesaid, and with express instructions in their credentials, upon the two principal questions; in which step he is likewise joined by the minister of Colombia, and with which he trusts he has fulfilled all that was stipulated to this end.

The subscriber has the honor, on this occasion, to present to the honorable secretary his respects and highest consideration.

PABLO OBREGON.

To the Hon. H. Clay,
Secretary of State, U. S.

MR. CANAZ TO MR. CLAY. Washington, November 14, 1825. The government of Central America, which I have the honor to represent, as early as the year 1821, was sensible of the importance, to the independent nations of this continent, of a general congress of their representatives, at some central point, which might consider upon, and adopt, the best plan for defending the states of the new world from foreign aggression, and, by treaties of alliance, commerce, and friendship, raise them to that elevation of wealth and power, which, from their resources, they may attain. It also acknowledged, that, as Europe had formed a continental system, and held a congress whenever questions affecting its interests were to be discussed, America should form a system for itself and assemble by its representatives, in cortes, whenever circumstances of necessity and great importance should demand it.

Entertaining these views, the government of Central America voluntarily expressed its willingness to appoint its deputies for such an object. Sensible of its importance, which has also been felt by the governments of South America, it has resolved to send plenipotentiaries to a general congress, to be formed for the purposes of preserving the territorial integrity, and firmly establishing the absolute independence of each of the American republics. On the 19th of March last, the government of Central America formed a con

vention with that of Colombia. providing for this object; and I, as its representative, have been instructed to express to the government of the United States, the desire entertained by my government, that it should send a representative to the general congress.

To fulfil the wishes of my government, and convinced, at the same time, of the importance and respectability which would attach to the general congress of the American republics, from the presence of envoys from the United States of America, I now address this high government upon this subject, in the name of Central America. I am anxious, therefore, to know if this republic, which has ever shown itself the generous friend of the new American States, is disposed to send its envoys to the general congress, the objects of which is, to preserve and confirm the absolute independence of these republics, and to promote the general good; and which will not require that the representatives of the United States should, in the least, compromit their present neutrality, harmony, and good intelligence with other nations. This, my government has deemed it necessary to state distinctly, in making the present invitation.

Be pleased, sir, to accept expressions of the high consideration with which I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,

ANTONIO JOSE CANAZ.

To the Hon. the Secretary of State.

Lima, December 7th, 1824. My great and good friend-After fifteen years' sacrifices, consecrated to the liberty of America, to obtain a system of guarantees, which, in peace and war, may be the shield of our new destiny, it is time that the interests and relations which united between them the republics of America, before colonies of Spain, should be founded on some known basis, which may render, if that were possible, the duration of these states eternal.

To establish that system, and to consolidate the power of this great political body, belongs to the exercise of a supreme authority, which may direct the policy of our governments, whose influence may be able to maintain uniformity in our principles, and whose name alone may be sufficient to appease our dissensions. An authority, to carry with it so much respect, can only be found in an union of plenipotentiaries, sent by each of our re4 publics, and assembled under the auspices of victory, obtained by our arms over Spanish power.

Deeply penetrated with these ideas, in 1823, as president of the republic of Colombia, I invited the governments of Mexico, Peru, Chili, and Buenos Ayres, to form

a confederacy, and to assemble at the isthmus of Panama, or any other place to be chosen by the majority, a congress of plenipotentiaries from each state, which "might act as a council to us in our distresses, as a rallying point in our common danger, as a faithful interpreter to our public treaties, when difficulties might occur ; and, in fine, as a mediator in all our differences."

The government of Peru concluded, on the 6th of June, of that year, a treaty of alliance and confederation with the plenipotentiary of Colombia; and, by it, both parties were pledged to interpose their good offices, that all entering into the same compact, a general assembly of the confederates might be effected. A treaty, to the same purport, was concluded in Mexico, on the 3d of October, 1823, by the envoy extraordinary of Colombia to that state; and there are strong grounds to hope that the other governments will accede to what a regard for their own interests so urgently recommends.

To delay, for a longer period, the general meeting of the plenipotentiaries from the republics who, de facto, already form a confederacy, until the accession of the remainder be obtained, would be

depriving ourselves of the advantages which that assembly would produce from the moment of its installation. These advantages are prodigiously increased, if we contemplate the picture presented to us by the political world, and, more particularly, the cabinet of Europe.

The union of the plenipotentiaries of Mexico, Colombia and Peru, would be delayed indefinitely, if it were not promoted by one of the contracting parties; unless we were to wait for the result of a new and special convention upon the time and place relative to this great event. On considering the difficulties and delays, from the distance at which we are separated, added to other weighty motives, emanating from a consideration of our general interests, I have resolved to take this step, with a view to promote the immediate meeting of our plenipotentiaries; whilst, in the mean time, the other states celebrate the same conditions as already exist between us, relative to the appointment and incorporation of their representatives.

With respect to the period of the installation of the assembly, I venture to believe, that no difficulty can be opposed to its taking place within the space of six months, counting from the present date; and, I likewise venture to flatter myself, that the ardent desires, which all Americans feel, to exalt the power of the Colombian continent, will abridge the difficulties and delays which ministerial preparations might require, and the distance which exists between the capitals of each state and the central place of meeting.

It seems that, if the world had to choose its capital, the isthmus

of Panama would be selected for this august purpose, placed, as it is, in the centre of the globe, looking on the one side towards Asia, and on the other towards Africa and Europe. The isthmus of Panama has been offered by the government of Colombia, for this object, in existing treaties. The isthmus is at an equal distance from the two extremities; and, on this account, might be provisionally adopted as the place where the first meeting of the confederates might be held.

Yielding, therefore, to these considerations, I feel strongly inclined to send to Panama the deputies from this republic, the moment I have the honor to receive the wished for answer to this circular. Nothing, certainly, will contribute so much to satisfy the ardent wishes of my heart, as the co-operation, which I look forward to, of the confederated governments, in carrying into effect this august act of America.

If your excellency does not condescend to join in it, I foresee immense delay and injury, at a time when the movement of the world accelerates all things, accelerating them, perhaps, to our disadvantage.

After the first conferences, between the plenipotentiaries, have been held, the residence of the assembly, as well as its attributions, may be determined in a solemn manner by the majority; and then all our aim will be accomplished.

The day on which our plenipotentiaries exchange their full powers, will form a memorable era in the diplomatic history of America. When, an hundred ages hence, posterity seeks the origin of our international law, and recalls to