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If we are to survive as a sovereign nation--and with God's help we will-let us work on Western Hemisphere solidarity. There are competent leaders in various parts of the Eastern Hemisphere who can solve their problems. Our job is to do what is best for our Republic and to spend no blood and money unless it is neces. sary for our own national defense. Our present policy is going to prove ruinous to our own country if pursued much longer,
President Johnson, a native Texan, as we all know, and a church-brother of mine has inherited a very difficult situation as the Chief Executive of our country.
In world economic affairs, as we all know, there are cross-currents reaching around the globe. My interest as an American mother and grandmother encompasses not only the hope that my grand-daughters will find it possible to marry men with two arms and two legs, but also, possess some property which they and their families can call their own,
The Founding Fathers in fighting the American Revolution envisaged a country here in the Western Hemisphere where their descendents could enjoy “Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness", and also, have their property rights safeguarded.
In closing, Mr. Chairman, I want to state that, as the daughter of a Primitive Baptist preacher, it is my conviction that this Republic is destined to survive and become an example to the world. Dedicated citizens who are not afraid to speak the truth and act upon it will make this possible. I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator MORSE. Mr. Chairman, I want to say to Mrs. Broy and the other witnesses that the best evidence I can give you of the value of your statements is that I am taking them to the floor of the Senate with me now to insert in the Congressional Record.
Mrs. Broy. Thank you, Senator Morse.
The CHAIRMAN. I appreciate all of you coming here and giving the committee the benefit of your views.
Senator MORSE. May I make one other statement? I am going to put in the record the impeachment procedures set forth in the Constitution because they have caused me to respectfully disagree with Mr. Montross as to the applicability of any impeachment in the present situation involving the conduct of the President of the United States.
(The material referred to follows:)
EXCERPT FROM THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES ARTICLE I SECTION 3. The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the United St es is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside : And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present.
Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States : but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.
The CHAIRMAN. Without objection, a letter by Robert C. Hill will be inserted in the record at this point.
(The letter of Mr. Hill follows:)
LITTLETON, N.H., September 13, 1967. Hon. J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, Chairman, Foreign Relations Committee, . U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR SENATOR FULBRIGHT: In your inquiry into the nature of “national commitments” you have rightly focused attention on the underlying question of the proper role of the Congress in the conduct of foreign relations. Your resolution has inspired considerable interest, thought and discussion of a fundamental