PREFACE. CONTENTS. LETTER I. The doctrine of taxation maintained by the author of the Calm Address is rational, scriptural, and constitutional. II. The doctrine of Americanus is highly unconstitutional, and draws after it a long train of absurd consequences. III. Observations on the origin of power;-on the high republican spirit;-on the manner in which Cromwell overthrew both church and state with this dreadful engine;—on the republican enthusiasm of many of the first protestants;-on the articles of religion by which the later reformers struck at that enthusiasm ;—on tyranny-on slavery;-and on the peculiar liberty of the subjects of Great Britain. The author's wishes with respect to a speedy reconciliation with the colonists.-The happy consequences of such a reconciliation. PREFACE. Ir will probably seem strange, that clergymen should meddle with a controversy which has hitherto been considered as altogether political. But the reader's surprise, in this respect, will probably cease, if he gives himself the trouble to read these letters. He will then see, that the American controversy is closely connected with Christianity in general, and with protestantism in particular; and that, of consequence, it is of a religious as well as of a civil nature. Is it not granted on all sides, that the gospel leads to the practice of strict morality? Is it not an important branch of such morality "to honour and obey the king?" to extend that honour and obedience, in a scriptural and constitutional manner, to "all that are put in authority under him? to submit ourselves to all our governors? to order ourselves lowly and reverently to all our betters? to hurt nobody by word or deed? and to be true and just in all our dealings," giving every one his due, "tribute to whom tribute is due, and custom to whom custom?" Do we not teach this doctrine to our children, when we instruct them in the first principles of Christianity? If divinity, therefore, can cast light upon the question which divides Great Britain and her colonies, is it impertinent in divines to hold out the light of their science, and peaceably to use what the apostle calls "the sword of the Spirit," that the material sword, unjustly drawn by those who are in the wrong, may be sheathed, and that a speedy end may be put to the effusion of Christian blood? Another reason influences the author to write upon the question which is now so warmly agitated in England, so dreadfully debated in America. Many of the colonists are as pious as they are brave; and whilst their undaunted fortitude makes them scorn to bow under an hostile arm, which shoots the deadly lightning of war, their humble piety may dispose them, or some of them, to regard a friendly hand which holds out an olive-branch, a bible, and the articles of religion drawn by their favourite Reformer. Had more care been taken to inform their judgment, and to work upon their consciences, by addressing them, not only as subjects, but as free men, brethren, and protestants, it is probable that numbers of them would never have so strongly embraced the unscriptural principles which now influence their conduct. Should it be said that it is too late now to use spiritual weapons with the colonists, I reply that this objection bears too hard upon their candour: it can never be too late to hold out plain scripture and solid arguments to judicious protestants. It is only to papists strongly prejudiced, or to those who relapse into popish obstinacy, that the light of God's word and of sound reason can come too late. Besides, the mistakes which have armed the provincials against Great Britain, begin to work in the breasts of many good men among us: witness the principles of Americanus. Now, therefore, is the time to keep these well-meaning men from going to the same extremes to which the colonists are gone; now is the time to provent others, whose judgment is yet cool and sober, from drinking in errors by which such numbers are intoxicated. A VINDICATION, &c. LETTER I. REV. SIR, THANKFUL for the religious and civil liberty which 1 enjoy as a subject of Great Britain; persuaded, that many warm well-meaning men mistake an unreasonable opposition to the king and the minister, for true patriotism; sensible of the sad consequences of national misunderstandings; ardently wishing that all things may be so ordered and settled upon the best and surest foundations, which, if I mistake not, are reason, scripture, and our excellent constitution, that peace and harmony may, for all generations, be established between Great Britain and her flourishing colonies; and desirous to inspire you, sir, and my dissatisfied dissenting brethren, with the same loyal sentiments, I take the pen to expostulate with you about the system of politics which you recommend to the public in your Letter to the Rev. Mr. Wesley, occasioned by his Calm Address to the American Colonies. It is at this time peculiarly needful to throw light upon the question debated between Mr. Wesley and you; for, if you are in the right, the sovereign is a tyrant, taxing the colonists is robbery, and enforcing such taxation by the sword is murder. We cannot hold up the hands of our soldiers by prayer, without committing sin; nor can they fight with Christian courage, which is inseparable from a good conscience, if they suspect that they are sent to rob good men of their properties, liberties, and lives. Mr. Wesley asserts, "that the supreme power in England has a legal right of laying any tax" (I would say any proportionable tax) "upon the American colonies, for any end beneficial to the whole empire, with or without their consent." And you reply, "If the Americans are indeed subject to such a power as this, their condition differs not from that of the most abject slaves in the universe." Sir, I venture to assert, that you are mistaken, and that Mr. Wesley's proposition is rational, scriptural, and constitutional. And, promising you to show in another letter the absurdity of your proposition, I enter upon the proof of my assertion, by an appeal to reason, scripture, and your own letter. In following this method, I shall address you as a man, a divine, and a controvertist. First, as a man. Does not your mistake spring from your inattention to the nature of civil government? You represent the power which the king and parliament claim of disposing of some of the money of the colonists without their consent, as an encroachment upon British liberty; as an unjust, tyrannical pretension; nay, as a species of "robbery." But did you never consider, sir, that in the nature of things, our sovereign in England, (I mean by this word, the king and his parliament, first jointly making laws not contrary to the laws of God, whose supreme dominion must always be submitted to by all created lawgivers; and secondly, executing the laws which they have made, by imparting to magistrates and other officers of justice, a sufficient power to put them in force,)-did you never consider, I say, that our sovereign, whether we have a vote for parliament-men or not, has both a right and a power to dispose, not only of our money, but also of our liberty and life; so far as that disposal answers ends agreeable to the law of God, beneficial to the peace of society, and conducive to the general good? If this political doctrine is explained, you will, I am persuaded, assent to it, as an indubitable truth. Could the sovereign rule and protect us, if he had not this right and this power? I injure your property, or, what is worse, your reputation. You sue me for damages: |