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LETTER IV.

Observations on Dr. Price's awful arguments taken from our immorality.-What great share our national profaneness had in the ruin of the king, and in the subversion of the church and state, in the days of Cromwell. It becomes us to obviate the dangerous argument by which thousands of rash religionists are seduced into wild patriotism.

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A scriptural plea for the revolted colonies; with some hints concerning a Christian method of bringing about a lasting reconciliation between them and the mothercountry. An extract of a letter from Pennsylvania, descriptive of American patriotism.—And a remark upon a precipitate judgment of the Monthly Reviewers.

PREFACE.

THE author of these letters considers the American controversy chiefly in a religious light, which gives him an opportunity of making some remarks that have probably escaped the attention of other writers on this subject. The duty of paying taxes to the protective power is so strongly connected with Christianity, that the colonists must practically give up the scriptures, or submit to the reasonable demands of the British legislature. It is to be wished, that we had made use of the bible in this controversy. For, how much soever that venerable book is disregarded by some of our great men, the bulk of the Americans, and our religious patriots in England, dare not despise it. Mr. Evans, for one, speaking of the doctrine defended in these sheets, says, "Should you indeed prove it to be a scripture doctrine," &c., "I am not afraid to promise you the most absolute submission to it as a Christian. The authority of scripture I revere above every other." The contested doctrine is here defended by scripture against Mr. Evans; and if he stands to his promise, we may hope soon to see him give the colonists an example of due submission.

When a great empire is divided against itself; when a powerful mother-country, and a number of strong colonies, draw up all their forces to encounter each other in the field; when the two contending powers are subdivided into a warm majority and an heated minority, ready to begin a second intestine war; and when every individual is concerned as an actor, sufferer, or spectator, in the bloody tragedy which is acted; it is natural for all lovers of their country to ask, How can the dreadful controversy be

ended? Is it by the dictates of scripture and reason, or by the force of arms?

If the author is not mistaken, arms, though useful in their place, will never properly end the contest. Should we overpower the American colonies, they will remain unconvinced. Far from being reconciled to their mothercountry, they will still look upon her as an imperious stepmother, who adds tyranny to oppression, and murder to robbery. Nor will they submit to her any longer than the force which has subdued them shall continue to press and keep them down. And what shall we gain by this method, but perplexity, danger, and continual alarm? The condition of the colonists will be as wretched as that of indignant prisoners who are under a military guard; and our state will be as uncomfortable as that of a jailer who watches over a numerous body of desperate captives, intent upon making their escape at the hazard of their lives. Under God, far more may then be expected, in the issue, from scripture and reason than from arms. Beasts and savages can be conquered by fire and sword; but it is the glory of men and Christians to be subdued by argument and scripture. Force may indeed bend the body, but truth alone properly bends the mind. Whilst our armies prepare to engage the majority in America with the dreadful implements of war, it will not therefore be amiss to engage the ecclesiastical minority in England with the harmless implements of controversy. On some occasions, one pen may do more execution than a battery of cannon; a page of well applied scriptures may be of more extensive use than a field of battle; and drops of ink may have a greater effect than streams of blood. If a broadside can sink a man-of-war, and send a thousand men to the bottom, a good argument can do far more; for it can sink a prejudice which fits out an hundred ships, and arms, it may be, fifty thousand men. How inferior then is the spear of Mars to "the sword of the Spirit!" And how justly did Solomon say, "A wise man is strong," especially if he is "mighty in the scriptures, which can make us "wise to salvation!"

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The author dares not flatter himself to have the knowledge of logic and divinity which are requisite to do his

subject the justice it deserves: but, having for some years opposed false orthodoxy, he may have acquired some little skill to oppose false patriotism; and having defended evangelical obedience to God against the indirect attacks of some ministers of the church of England, he humbly hopes that he may step forth a second time, and defend also constitutional obedience to the king against the indirect attacks of some ministers who dissent from the established church. Those whom he encounters in these sheets are the leading ecclesiastical patriots of the two greatest cities in the kingdom; Mr. Evans being the champion of the minority in Bristol, as Dr. Price is in London.

The capital arguments of these two gentlemen are here brought to a triple test, against which they cannot decently object. And, if the author's execution keeps pace with his design, their politics are proved to be contrary to reason, scripture, and the constitution. Should his proofs be found solid, and the public vouchsafe to regard them, the boisterous patriotism which has of late disturbed our peace will give place to sober and genuine patriotism, the political mistake which produces our divisions will be plucked up by the roots, the minds of our uneasy fellowsubjects will be calmed, our bloody contest for supremacy will give place to a sweet debate between parental love and filial duty: parental love will overcome the colonies with benign, lenient, and endearing offers of pardon and peace, whilst filial duty will disarm the mother-country by kind and grateful offers of manly submission.

AMERICAN PATRIOTISM,

&c.

TO THE REV. MR. EVANS.

LETTER I.

REV. SIR,

THE interests of truth are often as much promoted by the inconclusiveness of the arguments with which she is attacked, as by the force of the reasons with which she is defended. If my Vindication of the Calm Address has thrown some light upon the American controversy, your reply, sir, in the issue, may possibly throw much more. Supposing that plain truth can be compared to a good steel, and keen error to a sharp flint, I venture to say, that the more any one strikes the steel with such a flint, the more will the fragments of the broken stone show the superior solidity of the impugned metal; and the more easily will sparks be collected to light the bright candle of truth. The public will judge which arguments, yours or mine, will serve the cause of truth, by flying to pieces in the controversial collision.

Desirous to share the blessings which our pacific Lord promises to the meek and the peace-makers, I shall in these sheets neither throw oil upon the flame of the American revolt, nor blow up the coals of indignation which glow in the breasts of our insulted governors. Whatever my performance and success may be, moderation and reconciling truth are my aim; I can assure you, sir, that my utmost ambition is to draw the line between unruly patriot

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