When first young Maro fung of kings and wars, And but from nature's fountains fcorn'd to draw; Captivated with the native beauties of the Idylliums of Theocritus, and ambitious of introducing a new fpecies of poetry among the Romans, our poet from henceforward seems to have bent his whole thoughts to imitate and rival the sweet Sicilian: And having transplanted Paftoral into his own country, it flourished as fuccessfully, as the cherry-trees which Lucullus conveyed from Pontus. Of these compofitions 'tis highly probable that intitled Alexis was his firft performance. Dr. Martyn thinks it might have been written in the year of Rome 709, when the Poet was in his twenty-fifth year, which was a little while before Cæfar was affaffinated in the year 710. Julius Cæfar might have read this beautiful imitation of the 'Egarns of Theocritus, and been ftruck with admiration of the promifing genius of its author. Poffibly the Palamon was his fecond performance; it is a clofe imitation of the fourth and fifth Idyllia of Theocritus, May I venture to mention the Silenus as the next compofition in order of time? This fine piece of philofophy is faid to have been publicly recited on the ftage by Cytheris, a celebrated comedian, remarkable for a sweetnefs and propriety of speaking, infomuch that Catrou imagines that expreffion in the tenth Eclogue, Quæ legat ipfa Lycoris, does not only fignify that he may write fuch verfes B 3 verfes as may touch or affect Cytheris (represented by Lycoris) but fuch as may be fit for a perfon of a marvellous sweetness of voice to pronounce. Let us hear Catrou's opinion with regard to this fixth Eclogue. It is not from this verfe Prima Syracofio dignata eft ludere verfú, that I conjecture that this Eclogue ought to precede that of Tityrus. It is for another reason, that I am going to produce. It is true, that the author of the life of Virgil feems here to contradict himself. He affirms, in one place, that the Tityrus was the firft Eclogue which the Poet compofed. "It appears, fays he, that Virgil had "not compofed any Eclogue before the Tityrus, from "the fourth Georgic; where he distinguishes his Bucolics by the Eclogue of Tityrus," Tityre te patula cecini fub tegmine fagi. He adds befides, that the Poet spent three years in compofing his Bucolics, Bucolica triennio perfecit. That is, if one can believe it, that Virgil began his first Eclogue about the year of Rome 713, and finished the laft after the year 715. The fame author alfo relates, that the Silenus was recited by Cytheris, before a full audience, in the prefence of Cicero. This laft fact cannot poffibly be true, supposing the Tityrus was Virgil's first performance in this kind. Cicero was dead when our Poet compofed the Tityrus. In fo manifeft a contradiction, I incline to the fide of the story of Cytheris, which is attested by Servius. As for the conjecture formed by the writer of Virgil's life, that the Tityrus was his firft Eclogue, it is grounded upon a very frivolous argument. The quotation from the fourth Georgic, which is the only fupport of it, proves only, that Virgil, in the edition of his Bucolics, had placed the Tityrus in the front, It is faid also, that Virgil made all his Eclogues in three years. Therefore Cicero could not hear any one of them. But, in the original it is perfecit, that is, he perfected them; he made them fit to appear. Thus this Eclogue might have been prior to the Tityrus, and Cytheris might have recited it in the presence of Cicero. I beg to add a conjecture purely my own, and submit the decifion of it entirely to the learned. Cicero having heard this Eclogue, cried out in an ecftafy of admiration, that the author of it was Magna fpes altera Roma, the fecond great hope of Rome, esteeming himself, say the commentators, to be the firft. I understand the words in a far different fenfe. The fubject of this piece, we should remember, was an account of the Epicurean Philosophy both natural and moral, which had been but lately beautifully illuftrated by Lucretius; an author whom Cicero was fo eminently fond of, as to revife and publish his work. Upon hearing therefore the beautiful verfes of Virgil on the fame fubject, Cicero exclaimed to this purpofe; Behold another great genius rifing up amongst us, who will prove a fecond Lucretius. This interpretation at once takes away the imputation of vanity of which Cicero has been accused for ufing these words, making the Spes altera refer entirely to Lucretius. And befides, the expreffion of Spes neceffarily implies fomething future and increasing; whereas Cicero was at that time arrived at a maturity of fame and abilities: neither do I perceive the propriety of the connexion, in joining an eminent poet with an eminent orator. 'Tis obfervable that Virgil inserted this hemiftich afterwards in the twelfth book of his Æneid, and applied the words to Afcanius. Dion Caffius relates, in his forty-feventh book, that in the year of Rome 712 the Triumvirs, Antony, Octavius, and Lepidus, erected and confecrated a temple to Julius Cæfar B 4 Cæfar in the forum, carried about his ftatue in folemn proceffion with one of Venus in the Circenfian games, decreed fupplications to him on the news of any victory, and ordered he fhould be worshipped as a god. In allufion to the death and deification of Cæfar, Virgil composed the fifth Eclogue. He introduces two fhepherds lamenting the death of Daphnis, a Sicilian fhepherd; he represents the cattle abftaining from their food for grief, the very wild beafts lamenting, the fields withering, Apollo and Pales leaving the plains, the nymphs mourning around his body, and Venus herself bitterly lamenting, Cum complexa fui corpus miferabile nati, For Venus is undoubtedly the Mother here mentioned, and not the city of Rome, as Ruæus imagines. This opinion may be confirmed by a parallel paffage in the Metamorphofes. Ovid there reprefents Venus terrified at the approach of Cæfar's death; fhe difcovers all the fears and tenderness of a mother; intercedes with the gods for his prefervation; fmites her own breaft, and endeavours to hide him in the cloud in which she had pre ferved Paris and Æneas; Quod ut aurea vidit Enea genetrix, vidit quoque trifte parari Tum vero Cytherea manû percuffit utrâque I cannot forbear obferving the peculiar beauty of the epithet miferabile in Virgil-This fingle word points out the mangled body of Julius Cæfar in almost as lively a inanner as Antony's artful speech in Shakespear; Look in this place ran Caffius' dagger thro'- Julius Cæfar, Act 3. Sc. 6. In the latter part of the pastoral, the Poet changes the scene into joy and triumph, which makes a noble contraft to the beginning. He reprefents Daphnis admitted into heaven, pleasure and joy overflowing the plains, the yery mountains breaking forth into fongs, altars erected, and folemn facrifices performed to him as to Ceres and Bacchus, Auguftus must have been infinitely pleased with this exquifite piece of flattery. The fatal battle at Philippi was fought at the latter end of the year 712, which at once put an end to all glorious ftruggles for the liberty of the commonwealth, the patriotmurderers, Brutus and Caffius, having refolutely flain themselves upon the defeat of their army, leaving Cæfar and Antony victorious. One cannot forbear wishing there had been some Virgil to have lamented the death of the incomparable Brutus, as well as that of the tyrant Julius Cæfar, who, notwithstanding his many amiable and exalted qualities, was no better than the enflaver of his country. After this action the veteran foldiers began to murmur for their pay, and Auguftus, to reward them, diftri buted amongst them the lands of Mantua and Cremona. Appian relates, that when the lands were divided among the foldiers, great numbers both young and old, and women with their children, flocked to Rome, and filled the forum and temples with bitter lamentations, complaining they were driven from their lands and houses as if they had been conquered enemies. Virgil was involved in this common calamity, applied to Varus or to Pollio, or both, who warmly recommended him to Auguftus, and procured his |