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TREATY OF FRIENDSHIP, COOPERATION AND MUTUAL ASSISTANCE BETWEEN THE POLISH REPUBLIC AND THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA

The President of the Polish Republic and the Presidium of the Supreme National Sobranje of the People's Republic of Bulgaria

desiring to give expression to the wishes of the two nations to strengthen friendly relations and cooperation between Poland and Bulgaria;

being fully conscious of the fact that the experience gained during World War II imposes on both nations the duty of opposing in common any measures directed against their security and independence;

being deeply convinced that a lasting rapprochement between the two Slav countries answers their vital interests and serves the cause of world peace and security in the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations,

have decided to conclude a Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance and for this purpose have appointed as their Plenipotentiaries:

The President of the Polish Republic: Mr. Jozef Cyrankiewicz, Premier of the Government of the Polish Republic, and Mr. Zygmunt Modzelewski, Minister of Foreign Affairs;

The Presidium of the Supreme National Sobranje of the Bulgarian Republic:

Mr. Georgi Dimitrov, President of the Council of Ministers of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, and Mr. Vasil Kolarov, Vice-premier and Minister of Foreign Affairs,

who, having exchanged their Full Powers, found in good and due form, have agreed as follows:

ARTICLE 1

The High Contracting Parties undertake to apply all means at their disposal for the purpose of preventing the repetition of aggression on the part of Germany, or any other country which would unite with Germany directly or in some other form;

The High Contracting Parties shall participate in the spirit of widest cooperation in all international actions aiming at preserving world peace and security and shall contribute their share in the realization of these noble tasks;

ARTICLE 2

Should one of the High Contracting Parties become the object of aggression on the part of Germany, or any other country which would unite with Germany directly or in some other form, the other High Contracting Party shall immediately afford the other Party military and other assistance with all the means at its disposal;

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ARTICLE 3

The High Contracting Parties undertake not to conclude any alliance and not to participate in any action directed against the other High Contracting Party;

ARTICLE 4

The High Contracting Parties shall confer upon all important international questions which may concern the interests of both countries and in the first place their security, territorial integrity and problems of peace and international cooperation;

ARTICLE 5

The High Contracting Parties shall promote and strengthen mutual economic and cultural relations with the purpose of bringing about the general development of the two countries;

ARTICLE 6

The provisions of the present Treaty shall in no way interfere with the obligations undertaken by the High Contracting Parties towards third countries and shall be fulfilled in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations;

ARTICLE 7

The present Treaty shall come into operation on the day of the exchange of ratification documents and shall remain in force for a period of twenty years. The ratification of documents shall take place in Sofia. Unless twelve months' notice is given by either of the two High Contracting Parties to terminate the Treaty at the end of the said period of twenty years, it shall continue in force for a period of further five years and so forth until either of the High Contracting Parties shall have given twelve months' notice to terminate the Treaty at the end of the then current five-year period.

The present Treaty has been made in duplicate in both the Polish and Bulgarian languages, both texts being equally authentic.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the above-named Plenipotentiaries have signed the present Treaty and have affixed thereto their seals.

WARSAW, the twenty-ninth day of May, 1948.

Upon the authorization of the President of the Polish Republic:

JOZEF CYRANKIEWICZ

Premier of the Government of the

Polish Republic

ZYGMUNT MODZELEWSKI
Minister of Foreign Affairs

Upon the authorization of the Supreme National Sobranje of the Bulgarian People's Republic:

GEORGI DIMITROV

President of the Council of
Ministers

VASIL KOLAROV

Vice-premier and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Bulgarian People's Republic

22. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE COMINFORM

[During September 1947 the Communist Party leaders of several countries met in Poland and organized the Cominform, the purposes of which were set forth in the declaration of the Conference. On November 10, 1947, the Organ of the Information Bureau of the Communist Parties in Belgrade printed the communiqué, declaration, and resolution of the Conference. They are reproduced in full exactly as they appeared.]

COMMUNIQUÉ ON THE INFORMATIVE CONFERENCE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF A NUMBER OF COMMUNIST PARTIES

At the end of September, an informative conference was held in Poland with the participation of the following parties: the Communist Party of Yugoslavia-Comrades E. Kardelj and M. Djilas; the Bulgarian Workers' Party (Communists)-Comrades V. Chervenkov and V. Poptomov; the Communist Party of Rumania-Comrades G. Dej and A. Pauker; the Hungarian Communist Party-Comrades M. Farkas and I. Revai; the Polish Workers' Party-Comrades W. Gomulka and G. Minc; the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)-Comrades A. Zhdanov and G. Malenkov; the Communist Party of France-Comrades J. Duclos and E. Fajon; the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia-Comrades R. Slansky and S. Bashtovansky, and the Communist Party of Italy-Comrades L. Longo and E. Reale.

The participants in the Conference heard informative reports on the activities of the Central Committees of the Parties represented at the Conference made by Comrades E. Kardelj and M. Djilas for the Communist Party of Yugoslavia; by Comrade V. Chervenkov for the Bulgarian Workers' Party (Communists); by Comrade G. Dej for the Communist Party of Rumania; by Comrade Revai for the Hungarian Communist Party; by Comrade W. Gomulka for the Polish Workers' Party; by Comrade G. Malenkov for the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks); by Comrade J. Duclos for the Communist Party of France; by Comrade R. Slansky for the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, and by Comrade L. Longo for the Communist Party of Italy.

After exchanging their opinions on these reports, the participants in the Conference decided to discuss the question of the international situation and the question of the interchange of experience as well as that of coordination of the activities of the Communist Parties represented at the Conference.

A report on the international situation was made by Comrade A. Zhdanov. The participants in the Conference exchanged opinions on the report, arrived at complete agreement on the present international situation and on the tasks arising therefrom, and unanimously adopted a declaration on the question of the international situation.

A report on the interchange of experience and the coordination of the activities of the Communist Parties was made by Comrade W. Gomulka. On this question the Conference has decided, in view of the negative effect caused by the absence of contacts among the Parties represented at the Conference, and taking into account the

need for mutual exchange of experience, to set up an Information Bureau.

The Information Bureau will consist of representatives of the Central Committees of the above-mentioned Parties.

The task of the Information Bureau will be to organize interchange. of experience among the parties, and if need be, to coordinate their activities on the basis of mutual agreement.

It was decided that the Information Bureau would publish a printed organ.

The Information Bureau and the editorial office of its official publication will be located in the city of Belgrade.

DECLARATION OF THE CONFERENCE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF YUGOSLAVIA, THE BULGARIAN WORKERS' PARTY (COMMUNISTS), THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF RUMANIA, THE HUNGARIAN COMMUNIST PARTY, THE POLISH WORKERS' PARTY, THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION (BOLSHEVIKS), THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF FRANCE, THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA AND THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF ITALY ON THE INTERNATIONAL SITUATION

The representatives of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, the Bulgarian Workers' Party (Communists), the Communist Party of Rumania, the Hungarian Communist Party, the Polish Workers' Party, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), the Communist Party of France, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and the Communist Party of Italy, having exchanged views on the international situation, have agreed upon the following declaration. Fundamental changes have taken place in the international situation as a result of the Second World War and in the post-war period. These changes are characterized by a new disposition of the basic political forces operating on the world arena, by a change in the relations among the victor states in the Second World War, and their realignment.

While the war was on, the Allied States in the War against Germany and Japan went together and comprised one camp. However, already during the war there were differences in the Allied camp as regards the definition of both war aims and the tasks of the post-war peace settlement. The Soviet Union and the other democratic countries regarded as their basic war aims the restoration and consolidation of democratic order in Europe, the eradication of fascism and the prevention of the possibility of new aggression on the part of Germany, and the establishment of a lasting all-round cooperation among the nations of Europe. The United States of America, and Britain in agreement with them, set themselves another aim in the war: to rid themselves of competitors on the markets (Germany and Japan) and to establish their dominant position. This difference in the definition of war aims and the tasks of the post-war settlement grew more profound after the war. Two diametrically opposed political lines took shape: on the one side the policy of the USSR and the other democratic countries directed at undermining imperialism and consolidating democracy, and on the other side, the policy of the United States and Britain directed at strengthening imperialism and

stifling democracy. Inasmuch as the USSR and the countries of the new democracy became obstacles to the realization of the imperialist plans of struggle for world domination and smashing of democratic movements, a crusade was proclaimed against the USSR and the countries of the new democracy, bolstered also by threats of a new war on the part of the most zealous imperialist politicians in the United States of America and Britain.

Thus two camps were formed the imperialist and anti-democratic camp having as its basic aim the establishment of world domination of American imperialism and the smashing of democracy, and the antiimperialist and democratic camp having as its basic aim the undermining of imperialism, the consolidation of democracy, and the eradication of the remnants of fascism.

The struggle between the two diametrically opposed camps-the imperialist camp and the anti imperialist camp-is taking place in a situation marked by a further aggravation of the general crisis of capitalism, the weakening of the forces of capitalism and the strengthening of the forces of Socialism and democracy.

Hence the imperialist camp and its leading force, the United States, are displaying particularly aggressive activity. This activity is being developed simultaneously along all lines-the lines of military strategic measures, economic expansion and ideological struggle. The Truman-Marshall plan is only a constituent part, the European sub-section, of the general plan for the policy of global expansion pursued by the United States in all parts of the world. The plan for the economic and political enslavement of Europe by American imperialism is being supplemented by plans for the economic and political enslavement of China, Indonesia, the South American countries. Yesterday's aggressors-the capitalist magnates of Germany and Japan-are being groomed by the United States of America for a new role, that of instruments of the imperialist policy of the United States in Europe and Asia.

The arsenal of tactical weapons used by the imperialist camp is highly diversified. It combines direct threats of violence, blackmail and extortion, every means of political and economic pressure, bribery, and utilization of internal contradictions and strife in order to strengthen its own positions, and all this is concealed behind a liberal-pacifist mask designed to deceive and trap the politically inexperienced. A special place in the imperialists' arsenal of tactical weapons is occupied by the utilization of the treacherous policy of the right-wing Socialists like Blum in France, Attlee and Bevin in Britain, Schumacher in Germany, Remier and Scherf in Austria, Saragat in Italy, etc., who strive to cover up the true rapacious essence of imperialist policy under a mask of democracy and Socialist phraseology, while actually being in all respects faithful accomplices of the imperialists, sowing dissension in the ranks of the working class and poisoning its mind. It is not fortuitous that the foreign policy of British imperialism found its most consistent and zealous executor in Bevin.

Under these circumstances it is necessary that the anti-imperialist, democratic camp should close its ranks, draw up an agreed program of actions and work out its own tactics against the main forces of the imperialist camp, against American imperialism and its British and French allies, against the right-wing Socialists, primarily in Britain and France.