Nations and in particular with Articles 49, 51, 52, 53 and 107 thereof; Determined to collaborate in measures of mutual assistance in the event of any renewal of German aggression, while considering most desirable the conclusion of a treaty between all the Powers having responsibility for action in relation to Germany with the object of preventing Germany from becoming again a menace to peace; Having regard to the Treaties of Alliance and Mutual Assistance which they have respectively concluded with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics; Intending to strengthen the economic relations between the two countries to their mutual advantage and in the interests of general prosperity; Have decided to conclude a Treaty with these objects and have appointed as their Plenipotentiaries: His Majesty The King of Great Britain, Ireland and the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India: For the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern The Right Honourable Ernest Bevin, M.P., His Majesty's For the French Republic, His Excellency Monsieur Georges Bidault, Minister for His Excellency Monsieur René Massigli, Ambassador Ex- who, having communicated their Full Powers, found in good and due form, have agreed as follows: ARTICLE I Without prejudice to any arrangements that may be made, under any Treaty concluded between all the Powers having responsibility for action in relation to Germany under Article 107 of the Charter of the United Nations, for the purpose of preventing any infringements by Germany of her obligations with regard to disarmament and demilitarisation and generally of ensuring that Germany shall not again become a menace to peace, the High Contracting Parties will, in the event of any threat to the security of either of them arising from the adoption by Germany of a policy of aggression or from action by Germany designed to facilitate such a policy, take, after consulting with each other and where appropriate with the other Powers having responsibility for action in relation to Germany, such agreed action (which so long as the said Article 107 remains operative shall be action under that Article) as is best calculated to put an end to this threat. ARTICLE II Should either of the High Contracting Parties become again involved in hostilities with Germany, either in consequence of an armed attack, within the meaning of Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, by Germany against that Party, or as a result of agreed action taken against Germany under Article I of this Treaty, or as a result of enforcement action taken against Germany by the United Nations Security Council, the other High Contracting Party will at once give the High Contracting Party so involved in hostilities all the military and other support and assistance in his power. ARTICLE III In the event of either High Contracting Party being prejudiced by the failure of Germany to fulfil any obligation of an economic character imposed on her as a result of the Instrument of Surrender or arising out of any subsequent settlement, the High Contracting Parties will consult with each other and where appropriate with the other Powers having responsibility for action in relation to Germany, with a view to taking agreed action to deal with the situation. ARTICLE IV Bearing in mind the interests of the other members of the United Nations, the High Contracting Parties will by constant consultation on matters affecting their economic relations with each other take all possible steps to promote the prosperity and economic security of both countries and thus enable each of them to contribute more effectively to the economic and social objectives of the United Nations. ARTICLE V (1) Nothing in the present Treaty should be interpreted as derogating in any way from the obligations devolving upon the High Contracting Parties from the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations or from any special agreements concluded in virtue of Article 43 of the Charter. (2) Neither of the High Contracting Parties will conclude any alliance or take part in any coalition directed against the other High Contracting Party; nor will they enter into any obligation inconsistent with the provisions of the present Treaty. ARTICLE VI (1) The present Treaty is subject to ratification and the instruments of ratification will be exchanged in London as soon as possible. (2) It will come into force immediately on the exchange of the instruments of ratification and will remain in force for a period of fifty years. (3) Unless either of the High Contracting Parties gives to the other notice in writing to terminate it at least one year before the expiration of this period, it will remain in force without any specified time limit, subject to the right of either of the High Contracting Parties to terminate it by giving to the other in writing a year's notice of his intention to do so. In witness whereof the above-mentioned Plenipotentiaries have signed the present Treaty and affixed thereto their seals. Done in Dunkirk the fourth day of March, 1947, in duplicate in English and French, both texts being equally authentic. (L.S.) ERNEST BEVIN. (L.S.) BIDAult. 14. THE BRUSSELS PACT (TREATY OF ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, AND CULTURAL COLLABORATION AND COLLECTIVE SELF-DEFENSE) BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND, BELGIUM, FRANCE, LUXEMBOURG, AND THE NETHERLANDS March 17, 1948 [On October 24, 1947, the Governments of Belgium, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands exchanged ratifications of an agreement providing for a customs union embracing all three countries. This was followed on March 17, 1948, by the Brussels Treaty, which was signed by Great Britain, France, and the Benelux countries. The Brussels Treaty laid the basis for collaboration in economic, social, cultural, and collective self-defense matters. Prior to the conclusion of this treaty the British Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Ernest Bevin, delivered in the House of Commons, on January 22, 1948, a significant speech on Western Union and on the protection of western freedom. Excerpts from Mr. Bevin's speech follow.] A EXCERPTS FROM THE SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF COмMONS BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS RT. HONORABLE E. BEVIN, JANUARY 22, 1948 * * * The conception of the unity of Europe and the preservation of Europe as the heart of western civilization is accepted by most people. The importance of this has become increasingly apparent, not only to all the European nations as a result of the postwar crises through which Europe has passed and is passing, but to the whole world. No one disputes the idea of European unity, that is not the issue. The issue is whether European unity cannot be achieved without the domination and control of one great power and that is the issue which has to be solved. * * * I am sure that this House and the world will realize, that if a policy is pursued by any one power to try to dominate Europe by whatever means, direct or indirect, one has to be frank-that you are driven to the conclusion that it will inevitably lead again to another world war and I hope that idea will be discarded by all of us. * * * * * * It is easy enough to draw up a blueprint for a united western Europe and to construct neat-looking plans on paper. While 88919-49- -5 I do not wish to discourage the work done by voluntary political organizations in advocating ambitious schemes for European recovery, I must say that it is a much slower and harder job to work out a practical programme which takes into account the realities which face us, and I am afraid that it will have to be done a step at a time. But surely all those developments which I have been describing point to the conclusion that the free nations of western Europe must now draw closely together. How much these countries have in common! Our sacrifices in the war, our hatred of injustice and oppression, our party democracy, our striving for economic rights and our conception and love of liberty are common among us all. Our British approach, of which my right honourable friend the Prime Minister spoke recently, is based on principles which also appeal deeply to the overwhelming mass of the peoples of western Europe. * * * The time has come to find ways and means of developing our relations with the Benelux countries. I mean to begin talks with those countries in close accord with our French Allies. I have to inform the House that yesterday our representatives in Brussels, the Hague, and Luxembourg were instructed to propose such talks in concert with their French colleagues. * * * I hope that treaties will thus be signed with our near neighbors, the Benelux countries, making with our treaty with France an important nucleus in western Europe, but we have then to go beyond the circle of our immediate neighbours. We shall have to consider the question of associating other historic members of European civilization, including the new Italy, in this great conception. Their eventual participation is of course no less important than that of countries with which, if only for geographical reasons, we must deal first. We are thinking now of western Europe as a unit. Our formal relations with the various countries may differ, but between all there should be an effective understanding bound together by common ideals for which the western powers have twice in one generation shed their blood. If we are to preserve peace and our own safety at the same time, we can only do so by the mobilization of such a moral and material force as will create confidence and energy in the West and inspire respect elsewhere, and this means that Britan cannot stand outside Europe and regard her problems as quite separate from those of her European neighbours. * * * To conclude, His Majesty's Government have striven for the closer consolidation and economic development and eventually for the spiritual unity of Europe as a whole, but as I have said in eastern Europe we are presented with a fait accompli. No one there is free to speak or think or to enter into trade or other arrangements of his own free will. The sovereignty of the eastern European nations is handicapped. What of the West? Neither we nor the United States nor France is going to approach western Europe on this basis. It is not in keeping with the spirit of western civilization and if we are to have an organism in the West it must be a spiritual union. While no doubt there must be treaties or at least understandings the union must. primarily be a fusion derived from the basic freedoms and ethical principles for which we all stand. It must be on terms of equality and it must contain all the elements of freedom for which we all stand. It is the goal we are now trying to reach. It cannot be written down in a rigid thesis or in a directive. It is more of a brotherhood and less of a rigid system. B THE BRUSSELS PACT (TREATY OF ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL COLLABORATION AND COLLECTIVE SELF-DEFENCE) BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND, BELGIUM, FRANCE, LUXEMBOURG, AND THE NETHERLANDS Brussels, 17th March, 1948 His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Belgium, the President of the French Republic, President of the French Union, Her Royal Highness the Grand Duchess of Luxembourg, Her Majesty the Queen of the Netherlands and His Majesty The King of Great Britain, Ireland and the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Resolved To reaffirm their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the other ideals proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations; To fortify and preserve the principles of democracy, personal freedom and political liberty, the constitutional traditions and the rule of law, which are their common heritage; To strengthen, with these aims in view, the economic, social and cultural ties by which they are already united; To co-operate loyally and to co-ordinate their efforts to create in Western Europe a firm basis for European economic recovery; To afford assistance to each other, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, in maintaining international peace and security and in resisting any policy of aggression; To take such steps as may be held to be necessary in the event of a renewal by Germany of a policy of aggression; To associate progressively in the pursuance of these aims other States inspired by the same ideals and animated by the like determination; Desiring for these purposes to conclude a treaty for collaboration in economic, social and cultural matters and for collective self-defence; Have appointed as their Plenipotentiaries: His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Belgium His Excellency Mr. Paul-Henri Spaak, Prime Minister, His Excellency Mr. Gaston Eyskens, Minister of Finance, His Excellency Mr. Georges Bidault, Minister of Foreign |