grounds, make new separations. Yet, as to the general division of the Christians in England into churchmen and dissenters, it appears to me that, in present circumstances, neither individuals, nor public bodies, can do any thing to terminate it; nor till some unforeseen event make way for a termination, by means, and in a manner, of which little conception can previously be formed. In the mean while, it seems very desirable to abate acrimony and severity, and to differ, where we must differ, in a loving spirit; and to unite with each other in every good work, as far as we can conscientiously. It is, in my view, in this case precisely the same as it was with the Synod of Dort and the Remonstrants; each party throws the whole blame on the other: but impartiality would, I think, nearly allot half to the one and half to the other. True Christians of every description, live surrounded with ungodly men, nay, with such as are profane and immoral, and contentious, yet they generally are enabled to live peaceably with them all. How is it then, that they cannot, on the same principles, bear with each other, when differences in merely the circumstances of religion are the only ground of disputations, bickerings, and contests? "Whence come fightings among

them ?"

2. A large proportion of that which at present would be disapproved, if not reprobated, in the concluding decision of the Synod of Dort, and in its effect, must be considered, by every impartial and well informed person, as pertaining to that age, and those which had preceded it. The authority of such conventions to determine points of theology, to enforce their decisions by ecclesias

tical censures, interdicts, and mandates, such as this conclusion contains, had not been called in question, at least in any great degree, by any of the reformers or reformed churches. It was the general opinion, that princes and states ought to convene councils or assemblies, when needed; and, as far as hope was given of such councils being convened, all parties commonly acted on this principle. They considered the ruling powers as invested with the right of authorising these conventions to cite before them the persons, whose tenets and conduct gave occasion of convening them; and of animadverting on them as contumacious, if they refused to appear, or to submit to the decisions of the majority; and they regarded it as a great advantage, when the secular power would concur in carrying into effect their censures, exclusions, or requirements. These points had been almost unanimously assumed as indisputable, from the dawn of the reformation, to the time of this Synod, both on the continent and in Britain; and little had been advanced in direct opposition to the justice of proceeding still further to punish the refractory with pains and penalties. The vanquished party indeed generally complained, and remonstrated with sufficient acrimony; yet, when the tables were turned, and they acquired a victory, they used their superiority in the same manner, and sometimes even with still greater severity, How far all this was criminal, unscriptural, unreasonable, or not, is by no means the present question; but how far the Synod of Dort went beyond the precedents of former times, and of other

countries.

3. Thus far, as it seems to me at least, the case

is clear, and to an impartial mind not difficult: but how far the whole of this procedure, either in this Synod or in other similar cases, on the continent and in our land, was wrong, in toto or in parte: whether the whole must be reprobated together, or only some part of it; or where the line should be drawn; these are questions of greater difficulty, on which men in general will decide according to the prevailing sentiments of the day, and those of that part of the visible church to which they belong. Yet, I would venture, with a kind of trepidation, and with much diffidence, to drop a few hints on the subject-the result of very much reflection, during a long course of years, with what other aid I could procure, in addition to the grand standard of truth and duty, of principle and practice, to men of all ranks, individually or in corporate bodies, "the Oracles of "God."

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It must, as it appears to me, be incontrovertible, that penal means, of whatever kind, are wholly inadmissible in matters purely religious, and in which the persons concerned would act peaceably, if not irritated by opposition and persecution; for oppresssion" in this case often "maketh a wise man mad;" and his mad conduct is ascribed to his religious peculiarities, when it originates from other causes, and is excited by ill treatment. Punishments can have no tendency to enlighten the understanding, inform the mind, or regulate the judgment; and they infallibly increase prejudice, and tempt to resentment. They may indeed make hypocrites, but not believers; formalists, but not spiritual worshippers; and, in a word, they are no means of grace' of God's appoint

ment, and on which his blessing may be expected and supplicated. "The weapons of this warfare "are carnal, not mighty through God." The judicial law of Moses, as a part of the theocracy, punished with death nothing but idolatry and blasphemy, and this to prevent the contagion, "that men might hear, and fear, and do no more "such wickedness;" not to produce conviction or conformity: and no penalty in other things was appointed, where the public peace was not interrupted, and God's appointed rulers opposed. In the New Testament, not a word occurs on the subject; except as our Lord blamed the apostles when they forbad one to cast out devils "because "he followed not with them."

Whatever company, in any nation, can give proper security that they will act as peaceful citizens and good subjects, has, I apprehend, a right to the protection of the state, whatever its religious opinions or observances may be; provided nothing grossly immoral, and contrary to the general laws of the country, be practised under the pretence of religion. Yet the murders, human sacrifices, and other abominations in the East Indies, and in many other places, can have no right to toleration, nor can the toleration be by any means excused. Again, whatever may be urged in favour of allowing papists full liberty, as to their superstitious and idolatrous worship, (for so it doubtless is,) this should be done in their case with peculiar circumspection. But to grant them what they claim, and many claim for them, as emancipation, and which means nothing else, than admission to power and authority, seems ir

reconcilable with wisdom either human or divine. It is an essential principle of popery, however disguised by some, and lost sight of by others, to tolerate none who are not of that church: and the grant of power to them till this principle be disavowed by bishops, vicars-general, legates, cardinals, and popes, as well as others, in the most full and unequivocal language, is to liberate lions, because they have been harmless when not at liberty: and the event, should this emancipation be fully conceded, will be, that the power thus obtained will be used in persecution of those who gave it, as soon as it has acquired a proper measure of consolidation. If the advocates for this measure in our land, should they prove successful, do not themselves live to feel this, their posterity, I can have no doubt, will know it by deplorable experience.-Avowed atheists seem also inadmissible to full toleration; as incapable of being bound by any obligation of an oath, or of an affirmation as in the sight of God, which is equivalent to an oath. How far some kinds of blasphemers should be also exempted, may be a question; but every species of profaneness, or impiety, is not direct blasphemy. Yet, if men outrage, or expose to ridicule or odium, the most sacred services of the religion of the country; or if public instructors inculcate immoral principles; they may, as far as I can see, be restrained, so that the mischief may be prevented; though perhaps without further punishment, except for actual violation of the peace.-Every collective body, however, has an indisputable right to prescribe the terms on which men shall be admitted into it, either as members of the company, or in