as to say "he believed the Orders in Council had been beneficial." Wilberforce, who at one time had believed in their justice and policy, now declared he was satisfied I had made out a case for inquiry; and, after a useful speech from Whitbread, we divided, 144 voting for, and 216 against, the appointment of a select committee.

Next day I wrote as follows to Mr Thorneley, one of my mercantile friends at Liverpool

"TEMPLE, March 4, 1812.

"MY DEAR SIR,-I have delayed thanking you for your many excellent and most important communications, because I was too much occupied in using them; and by a pressure of business, as well as by a severe illness under which I have laboured (indeed I got out of bed to go to the House last night),—to have time to write to you for the purpose of acknowledging the receipt of your letters. I now return you my hearty thanks, and only lament I could not turn them to better account

"You will see the account of the debate. I have only seen the Morning Chronicle,' which is tolerably accurate, but makes some blunders and omits some material things, particularly my attack on Perceval, in reply, for allowing that the motive of keeping the Orders now was to prevent French goods from being carried by the Americans to South America and elsewhere, to undersell ours. The House received this attack with particular warmth, as well as what I said against an American war, and against the Prince Regent. Indeed it would have been an admirable lesson to him (if he is not past all reformation) to have heard

the furious roaring with which the attack on him was received.

"Our division is a good one, and by following it up with petitions an American war may be prevented. If petitions come to Parliament this may be done, and the ministers may be driven from the Orders in Council. Those measures are materially damaged; but the country must follow up the blow if it would see them given up.-My best regards to Mr Martin, Mr Roscoe, and our other friends; and believe me ever yours truly, "H. BROUGHAM."

Petitions against the Orders were from time to time presented in both Houses--in the Lords by Lord Fitzwilliam and the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Lauderdale and Lord Derby; in the Commons by General Gascoigne, myself, and many others. These petitions showed incontestably the great distress and pressure under which the manufacturing and commercial interests all over the country laboured.

The result was, that on the 28th of April the Government agreed that the inquiry should be taken before a committee of the whole House, to sit de die in diem; and agreed to my motion that witnesses from Birmingham, Sheffield, Manchester, Liverpool, and elsewhere, should be summoned to attend.

The committee began its sittings on the 5th of May-a committee of the whole House in the Lords also going into the inquiry, and sitting from day to day.

I had for about a fortnight, with the help of Alexander Baring, been carrying on the inquiry, by examining witnesses and debating questions as they arose

on the evidence tendered. The Government-that is, Perceval, who had adopted Stephen's system-conceived that the feeling excited by the distress in the manufacturing districts would subside, and maintained that the accounts of that distress were greatly exaggerated. The object, therefore, of the Government was to protract the inquiry by all means in their power, and give time for what they regarded as clamour to diminish, if not to cease. Thus the constant struggle between us was, Baring and I pressing on the examination of witnesses, Perceval and Stephen interposing obstacles to gain time. We insisted on beginning each day as early as possible, and so far prevailed as to have it settled that I should call my witnesses at half-past four, and continue till ten; by which arrangement I was practically enabled to continue much longer, because all save those who took peculiar interest in the subject had left the House. Our attack was carried on not only by the examination of witnesses, but partly by debating the petitions presented night after night, partly by discussions arising on objections taken to questions put, and by additional statements proceeding from members connected with different parts of the country, as well as with Yorkshire, Lancashire, London, and Glasgow, from whence the bulk of the petitions had come. Our adversaries had even hopes of support by petitions from some quarters. In the only conversation I had with Perceval during the inquiry, he said, "In that quarter (the woollen) you will not run alone; there will be counter-petitions from the clothing districts." He spoke as comparing it with the hardware districts, where we had made great play. But it turned out that the case was considerably stronger in

the woollen country. Unhappily he did not live to witness the contradiction to his prediction. On the 11th May, when complaining that he had not come down at the stipulated time, I told the Secretary of the Treasury that I must go on notwithstanding, as it was the second time Perceval had failed me. He sent a messenger to Downing Street to hasten Perceval, by letting him know we had begun. The messenger met him in Parliament Street, walking with Stephen, who, of course, attended most regularly, and took a constant and active part. Perceval, with his wonted activity, left him, and darted forward to the House. Had Stephen continued as he was, on the left hand, he might have been the victim of Bellingham, who was waiting in the lobby either for Perceval or some one of note: it afterwards appeared he hardly knew or cared who.

I was proceeding with my examination of the witness, when I heard a report, as it seemed to me of a pistol which had gone off in some one's pocket in the gallery, the sound being deadened. This passed through my mind, but I did not interrupt my examination. Some persons were seen in the gallery running towards the door, so it seemed that the report had come from the lobby. Instantly after, General Gascoigne rushed up the House and cried, "He has been shot!" As I expected Whitbread, I asked if it was he. Gascoigne replied, "No, Perceval; he is shot dead."

He had fallen close to William Smith, who took him up, and, assisted by others, carried him into the Speaker's room. Before they got there he was dead. The ball had penetrated the heart, passing completely

through it, near the centre, so that death must have been almost instantaneous. Bellingham made no attempt to escape, but at once stepped forward, and declared that he had fired the fatal shot. He was committed by Michael Angelo Taylor, a Middlesex magistrate, who happened to be present. The House immediately adjourned.

Next day an attempt was made to make us suspend the inquiry, in consequence of this most lamentable event, but we positively refused. Indeed, the suspension of all other business which necessarily ensued, enabled us to make a rapid progress with our evidence, of which a great body was produced during the next four weeks. The natural anxiety to let no interruption be given by what had happened, was increased by the desire to disconnect it as much as possible with the inquiry. A Liverpool man having been the assassin was quite sufficient to raise reports; and Stephen's feelings of grief for the fate of one he had so much loved, were his excuse when he threw out insinuations of the same kind, even levelled at us who were conducting the inquiry. But he soon regained his presence of mind, and continued, as we did, to discharge his duty. I thought it right to see Castlereagh. He urged me to suspend the proceedings for a week or two, until the Government was better established. To this I of course could not consent, nor indeed could I be sure that I had the power. I pressed him to abandon quietly the commercial policy of his predecessor, and distinctly pledged myself to abstain from all party triumph, and affirmed that I could give the same undertaking for my friends, and the supporters of our proceedings generally. He

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