in the coast towns; but unfortunately the Austrian Government, for purposes of its own, not only encouraged this movement but utilised it as an instrument against the Italian element. The result has been that Italian civilisation in Dalmatia is almost stamped out, while in Trieste, Istria and Gorizia the Italians, persecuted by the authorities, harried by the police, deprived of innumerable rights, and ever threatened by the advancing tide of Slovenes and Serbo-Croats, have to fight desperately for their schools, their language, their very national existence. In Croatia-Slavonia, on the other hand, it is the Slavs who are oppressed; the Hungarian Government having failed to Magyarise the population, coerces it by means of incredible electoral corruption and violence, retards its development, and exploits the country for the exclusive benefit of Hungary. Bosnia and Herzegovina, until the annexation in 1908, were ruled despotically by an Austro-Hungarian administration, but a limited form of autonomy has lately been granted; although the Government has introduced many material improvements, politically it satisfies none of the three elements of the population-Orthodox Serbs, Mohammedans and Catholics, all of Serbo-Croatian stock.

The policy of promoting discord between Serbs and Croats succeeded admirably until some fifteen years ago, all the favours being reserved for the Austrophil Catholic Croats, whereas the Serbs were regarded as disloyal and treated almost as rebels. Two possible solutions of the Southern Slav question, which so intimately concern the Adriatic, were contemplated. According to one view, the Slovene parts of Carinthia and Styria, Carniola, the Littoral, Croatia-Slavonia, Dalmatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and perhaps even Serbia and Montenegro, were to be welded into a single State under the Habsburg crown, forming the third partner in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The Magyars strongly opposed 'trialism,' as this movement is called, because its realisation would reduce their relative importance in the Monarchy and also deprive them of their outlet to the

* The term 'Littoral' is here used for the German Küstenland, and comprises Gorizia-Gradisca, Trieste and Istria. Italians call this territory Venezia Giulia.

sea; while the Italians were no less hostile, for they saw that it would result in the sweeping away of every trace of Italianità on the coast. At Vienna trialism had many influential supporters, including, it is said, the late Archduke Franz Ferdinand, but it was not regarded with favour in all official circles. The other movement was for a Greater Serbia, to comprise all the Southern Slavs under the ægis of Belgrade and independently of Austria. Frankly hostile to the existing order of things in the Dual Monarchy, its adherents advocated eventual rebellion and even war. The Serbs had no particular sympathy for the Italians, but, as they attached less importance to Trieste and Istria than did the Croats and Slovenes and were strongly anti-Austrian, they were not averse to an understanding with Italy.

About the year 1900 a new movement arose for a union between the Serbs and the Croats, which came to a head in 1905, much to the alarm of Austria, in whose eyes no crime is greater than that of 'bringing together those whom it has elected to keep asunder.' The carefully built-up edifice of Serbo-Croat rivalry, of hostility between Italians and Slavs, Magyars and Slavs, and the exploitation of Bosnia-Herzegovina for the benefit of Germans and Hungarians, which established a perfect if unstable equilibrium, threatened to collapse; and a new and more dangerous form of irredentism loomed up on the political horizon. Among the attempts to ward it off the Agram trial and the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina must be counted. But, so long as Serbia was weak and small, the situation was not critical, for the struggling kingdom could not exercise a very powerful attraction for peoples who, however discontented they might be with the alien and unsympathetic Government under which they lived, realised that it was fairly efficient and honest. The Balkan wars and the consequent triumph and aggrandisement of Serbia brought the crisis to a head and welded the union of the Southern Slavs. This was one of the chief reasons for Austria's attack on Servia in July 1914. But the outbreak of the war has served to consolidate this union and to strengthen the opposition of all the inhabitants of the Adriatic coast to Austrian rule. A significant symptom is that many of the leading anti-Italian agitators of the

Littoral and Dalmatia have had to take refuge in Italy; the other Slav leaders are mostly in prison. South of Dalmatia we have the small state of Montenegro, with its very limited seaboard and its one port of Antivari; then the wild Albanian shore. Serbia's aspiration for a seaboard is an article of faith in that country; and during the first Balkan war she nearly realised it. But Austria, who did not intend to see her last opening for intrigue and influence in the Balkans closed, willed otherwise. She insisted on the creation of the Albanian State; and the other Powers, including Italy who, in spite of her rivalry with Austria, feared & Serbian port on the Adriatic as a possible opening for Russia, supported her. Thus Albania came into the world, but the new-born State possesses no real vitality.

In conclusion, we have now on the eastern shore of the Adriatic four peoples struggling for mastery. The Italians have tradition and culture on their side, but form a numerical majority only in the northern territories; they are in close sympathy with the Italians of Italy and fight to uphold Italian influence even where they are in a minority. The Southern Slavs, who may now be regarded as one people, aspire to union under a single national Government with a considerable seaboard. The Magyars are a wholly inland people, and, as they can only retain their access to the coast by riding roughshod over a wide tract of non-Magyar lands, they would seem destined to a more restricted field of action. The Germans, who have their natural seaboard in the North, aspire also to a window on the Adriatic and look upon Trieste as their own heritage regardless of the wishes of its inhabitants, who are determined to be Italians. It would seem, if one dare forecast the future, that the Adriatic will eventually be divided between the Italians and the Southern Slavs; the former, in virtue of their superior civilisation and their greater aptitude for the sea, deserve to have the predominance, but there is no reason why they should not come to an understanding with the Slavs, having in the main the same interests and the same enemies. The dividing line between their respective spheres is not easy to find; and the extremists on both sides are apt to claim too much. Trieste cannot be other than an

Italian city, but it would be difficult to make Dalmatia an Italian province once more. The task would not be impossible, but, by occupying the whole of it or even the northern part as far as the Narenta, Italy would risk creating a new irredentism within her own gates, a movement in favour of the union of Dalmatia with the Slavs beyond the border. Perhaps the frontier might be that indicated by Dante, viz. the Quarnero, 'che Italia chiude e i suoi termini bagna.'

But an agreement between the two peoples should not be limited to a question of frontiers. The Adriatic is bound to be a waterway for peaceful traffic and a means of uniting the various peoples dwelling on its shores. It would seem as though Italy's mission on this sea were to extend her civilisation and culture even to nations of a different race, and to radiate into the rising Balkan States the benefits of her own older tradition and longer experience. Those countries have great potential wealth and untouched resources. Italian capital and Italian technical skill will help to develop them; Italian industry will furnish them with much of the products which they formerly drew from AustriaHungary; while Italy herself offers them a good market for a large part of their raw materials. The DanubeAdriatic railways, which will undoubtedly be built some day, will thus revive the old trade routes whereby in the Middle Ages the silks, woollen stuffs and other manufactured goods of Lombardy, Venice and Florence were exchanged by way of Dalmatia with the hides and minerals produced by the Serbia of Urosh and Dushan. There is, in fact, every reason for the cordial co-operation of the Italians and the Southern Slavs; and, now that Italy has entered the lists by declaring war against Austria, comradeship on the stricken field should weld this friendship still more closely.

Art. 3.-THE TRUSTEES' REPORT ON THE NATIONAL GALLERY.

Report and Minutes of Evidence of the Committee of Trustees of the National Gallery. (Cd. 7878-9.) London: Wyman, 1915.

No apology is needed even at this time for dealing with the Report just published on the retention of important pictures in this country, and other matters connected with the National Art Collections, including the resources and administration of our National Gallery. The Committee of Trustees of the National Gallery, appointed for the purpose of considering and reporting upon these questions, have devoted a substantial part of the Report to recommendations for an increased annual grant available for purchases. Owing to the war these recom mendations have, of course, become academic. Not only is there no question of any increase, but the Treasury has decided that for the current year even the ordinary grant of 5,000l. shall be withdrawn. However much the decision may be regretted, in view of the opportu nities likely to occur of adding important works as a result of the war, and in particular in filling, at a reasonable cost, the considerable lacunæ that still exist, it cannot be denied that there is justification for this course. In the struggle for national self-preservation in which we are engaged we must be prepared to sacrifice even Art. At least as important, however, as the recommendations involving financial obligations is the large portion of the Report devoted to administration and kindred subjects, to which effect can be given without any additional cost to the nation. It is much to be hoped that time will be found for the careful and sympathetic consideration of these proposals. Indeed this work might well devolve upon the many keen and active individuals who are unable for one reason or another to take any other part in national service. If action is taken in regard to so much of the Report as does not depend upon finance, and the consequent and very necessary reforms are inaugurated without delay, there will be greater hope of satisfying the Treasury in happier days of the reasonableness of the financial demands.