Изображения страниц
PDF
EPUB

The question, Mr. Chairman, if we promote this kind of movement, if we approve this resolution and Congress adopts it and Congress acts in conformance with it and the conclave is held and the discussion eventuates the agenda is followed and agreement takes place on these four eliminations of the veto, the question then is what will Russia and her 11 satellites do, once we have called her hand, once this simple football tactic is stopped; once she is compelled to live under decent, understandable rules of the game.

Some people may say, "Russia may pull out, she may break up the United Nations, and she and her satellites may retire."

Nobody can predict actually, Mr. Chairman, what the Russians will do, once they have been stopped from this very successful career of aggression on which they have been engaging within the orbit of the United Nations.

I do, however, want to call attention to this fact: Today the predominance of power is on the side of the free countries of the world; that Russia and her 11 satellite countries are conspicuously weak from the standpoint of every essential factor required to wage successful

war.

As a consequence, I think it follows very plausibly that once faced with the decision of the member nations of the United Nations, that this program of blocking peace-performing machinery is going to be stopped and the Russians are invited to sign a Charter of the United Nations which will work to protect the peace, they will ponder long and carefully before divorcing themselves from the family of nations and attempting to set up a little Red orbit of their own.

I predict after grumbling and grouching and complaining, after dragging their heels, they will come to the conference table and sign this new Charter, because I do not believe they dare run the risk of standing alone today in this world as it would then be constituted. If worst comes to worst, and Russia and her 11 satellites did not sign, we then have exactly the status quo which we have today, except that we have unblanketed the features of the status quo for all people to see what most people now know to be the truth; that you have this cleavage between the Communist and non-Communist nations of the world; that in one section there are 12 countries, including Russia, and in the other section there are 46 countries, including the United States. If the Russians come along and sign up, Mr. Chairman, we will then have a United Nations which will work. We will have stopped this drift toward war and we will have established a machinery which can perpetuate the peace.

Let us look at the eventuality if they do not sign up, if they pull out and form a bloc of their own.

Who will be then on the side of freedom? The Russian bloc will be comprised of 12 countries. It will have approximately 320,000,000 people in that bloc, if they take, as they probably will, the eastern provinces of Germany. Those 320,000,000 people in the 12 countries which they now have, plus the eastern provinces of Germany, will be offset by 46 countries of the world which are today willing to follow the leadership of positive action on the part of America and the free countries which belong to the United Nations.

From the standpoint of population, on the free side there will be 1,968,000,000 people as compared to the 320,000,000 people in the Soviet sphere.

75921-48

Percentagewise, 87.5 percent of the world's population will be organized and led by the freedom-loving countries of the world, and 12.5 percent of the people will be under the coercive domination of the Soviet sphere.

Mr. Chairman, to wage war these days, there are certain essential factors that you must have. History does not reveal a single time. when any aggressive power anywhere has gone out on a war career, attacking nations four times as powerful as the would-be aggressor. Aggressors have the habit of picking on somebody they can whip, nibbling them off one at a time, or waiting until they have perfected an organization which will give them at least an equality of power, plus the element of surprise, before initiating the attack.

Let us look at the products essential to fighting a war:

Crude oil is tremendously important in modern war. If we call for this modernization of the machinery of the United Nations, and the Russians are inclined to pull out and form a Soviet sphere of their own, they will be unable to endanger the peace, even though they try. The free countries of the world will have 92.6 percent of the crude oil production in the world today. The Soviet sphere will have 7.4 percent, and they cannot get any more without fighting for it, and they do not dare attempt to fight for it against countries which are organized and which contain 92.6 percent of the oil.

It takes copper to fight a war. It is an essential in modern warfare. Who has the copper?

The free countries of the world, the 46 countries outside the Soviet sphere, the 46 countries Dr. Judd and I and the other members of our committee who have introduced these concurrent resolutions, the countries we are urging you to urge the President to organize into a working team, that team of free countries has 91.5 percent of the world's copper, and the Soviet sphere has 8.5 percent of the world's copper and cannot get any more without fighting for it.

They do not dare to go to war for copper, because they are so completely overwhelmed by the predominance of power on the side of the free countries.

Coal is important in the fighting of a war. You have to have fuel to turn the machines that spit out the implements that kill the men who fight a war.

Who has the coal, Mr. Chairman? The Soviet sphere has 15.5 per cent of the coal. The free countries of the world have 84.5 percent of the coal.

That in itself is a safeguard to peace, because without having the fuel with which to manufacture the elements required in the fighting of a war, the Soviet sphere, in spite of its desire, is unable to challeng the rest of the world, once the rest of the world ceases to be a group of isolated segments and becomes an organized team, working on th side of peace, operating under a charter, operating under an agree ment, maintaining an international police force, providing for the co ordination of its resources and cooperation of its people.

Pig-iron production is something which war strategists look to, t determine the strength that a country is going to have in wartime. I pig-iron production the free countries of the world have 82.5 percen of the pig-iron production and the Soviet sphere 17.5 percent.

Again it is well over four times the power and the production and the might being on the side of the free countries of the world whic

lack only one thing, preventing them from being able to make war instigated by the Communists impossible. The thing we lack is the positve leadership to organize their forces and their strength so that we can function as a team. If we drift into war at a time when the great predominance of power is on the side of freedom, we drift into war because of a bankruptcy of leadership among the free countries of the world.

Chairman EATON. Would the gentleman yield for a question at that point?

Mr. MUNDT. Yes.

Chairman EATON. Are you going to discuss the atomic bomb in connection with these resources for war?

Mr. MUNDT. Yes, sir, I am coming to that.

Chairman EATON. Thank you.

Mr. MUNDT. The world steel-ingot production.

Steel production is certainly essential in war. Who has the steel production of the world? Do these 12 countries that have been marching out from Belgrade and Prague and Berlin have the steel production?

No, they have the leadership. They have the teamwork. They have the definite design to move, but they do not have the power. The power is on the side of the free countries which at the moment lack the leadership, lack the design, lack the pattern and the cooperation, and thus find themselves being weakened as one country after another leaves the fold of the free and is coerced into the camp of the Communists, as Czechoslovakia, the latest victim was.

In the loss of Czechoslovakia, the free countries lost a very substantially strong producing country.

In steel production, 80.7 percent of the steel production is in the free countries of the world; 19.3 percent of the steel production is in the Soviet sphere.

Before talking about armaments I want to mention one other thing you have to have to fight a war. You have to feed the men who do the fighting. You have to feed the populace that produces the implements of war. You have to feed the people behind the home line.

To feed them you have to have wheat.

Who has the wheat, Mr. Chairman? 70.9 percent of the wheat production of the world, even with the 12 countries the Russians now have in their clutch, 70.9 percent is among the free countries and only 29.1 percent is behind the iron curtain under the Soviet domination. Now for the immediate things with which you must be fortified, if you propose to challenge the world in a war.

The chairman has mentioned the atomic bomb. They do not have the atomic bomb. The free countries do have the atomic bomb. According to even the most pessimistic reports of our best intelligence, we are going to continue to be exclusive owners of the atomic bomb in operative strength for at least another 24 months, so that we have some time to test the leadership of the free countries of the world, to determine whether we have the genius and the courage to organize countries who are alike in their resistance to communism, who will form an overwhelmingly powerful team if somebody will get them together and start calling the signals under a workable formula.

What is true of the atomic bomb, Mr. Chairman, is substantially true of the navies of the world. Virtually 100 percent of the surface

navies of the world are on the side of the free. Aside from the submarines that the Soviet sphere has, they have no substantial navy at all. In a global contest in which countries seek by bluster and Godless viciousness to frighten the rest of the world to the point it permits them to pick off free countries one by one, that country cannot do it without a navy and without an atomic bomb, once the rest of the countries have organized themselves to resist that type of aggression.

Approximately 75 percent of the machine tools of the world, and the machine-tool production of the world, is in the hands of the free countries, and less than 25 percent in the hands of the Soviets, and if there is any one superduper "must" you must have to fight a modern war it is machine tools and machine-tool production, because war produces quick changes in the kind of weapons that are used. The country without a machine-tool industry is soon fighting from an antiquated position, using obsolete arms, against a country that is equipped to use modern weapons.

Mr. Chairman, I have no desire to prolong this discussion, although I have additional statistics on this subject. I simply wanted to point out with irrefutable, tangible statistics, that if we have a third world war, and if we permit the United Nations to continue to stumble into failure and disillusion, we have no one to blame but ourselves.

The strength, military, economic, from the standpoint of population, from the standpoint of food supply, the great predominance of strength today, is arrayed as it has been in few times in world history, on the side of rectitude, on the side of freedom, on the side of peace. Now, of course, if we are stupid enough, in view of such circumstances, to permit 12 countries, dominated by 14 men of the Politbureau, in the Kremlin, to block effectively for more than 30 months every single constructive peaceful movement on the part of the United Nations, and if you permit them, while blocking this great giant on the side of freedom, from doing anything to protect ourselves, to continue to nibble off the free area of the world, country by country, as they have done 11 times, if we continue that, certainly, then, if we become so weakened on the free side that eventually the Communists feel free to challenge us in war, again we have no one to blame but ourselves.

I think the free world today, I think the English-speaking people of the world today, the Congress today, I think our committee today, has one of the greatest challenges ever confronting a group of parliamentary people anywhere in the country. It is the simple challenge of calling together all the countries of the world, to study the way in which some of the countries of the world have been pushing threequarters of the world around, and having analyzed the problem, to revamp the United Nations Charter so that process can no longer continue, and having revamped it, to ask all the world to sign up a new Charter under which nobody can push anybody around any more, because the strength is on our side so overwhelmingly.

I think the Communist countries will be compelled to sign that new Charter and join a new United Nations which they no longer can control, but if they do not, and we exercise the leadership we now have, to get the rest of the countries together in a team, a union of decent nations, 46 countries of the world, determined to resist communism, I submit that we have outlawed war by making it impossible for such a small segment as the Communists will then represent of the

world strength to start a war. They dare not attack the giant which would then be represented by the free countries of the world. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Chairman EATON. Thank you, Mr. Mundt.

The Chairman would like to call the attention of the press to the fact which needs to be stressed, that the testimony by these Members of Congress is probably the most fundamental, far-reaching, statesmanlike and brilliant testimony that we will have before us during this entire hearing.

Incidentally, if you would like a new candidate for the Presidency, I nominate Mr. Mundt.

Mr. MUNDT. The last one who spoke from here was Mr. Wallace. I do not like the precedent too well.

Chairman EATON. Mr. Bloom.

Mr. BLOOM. Mr. Mundt, I was very much interested in your statement. I believe everything you say. However, this thought occurred to me, that if we do not do what you say and what you recommend, and if Russia should take over in the balance of western Europe, then where would the power lay?

Understand, I agree with you. What you have said in your statement, of course, that is the position prevailing today.

Mr. MUNDT. That is right.

Mr. BLOOM. But the power of adding 16 nations beside the other nations that are not in the Marshall plan, the power of the strength of strategic materials in western Europe, if they are added to what the Russians have today, then what do you have to say about it?

Mr. MUNDT. I am glad you brought that up, Mr. Bloom, because it underscores the urgency of the problem. The figures I have given, of course, are the figures of the 12 countries now in the Soviet sphere, plus this eastern segment of Germany, which looks like it must hopelessly be included therein, as contrasted with the rest of the world. Now, if we do nothing, if we squander this time that we have so expensively purchased at $500,000,000 per month, and the Soviets take over the rest of Europe, the 16 participating countries, we will then have something very close to a parity of power.

Mr. BLOOM. It is 16 plus.

Mr. MUNDT. That is correct. It is a parity of power in which the two segments of the world will be virtually equal but while they will be equal from the standpoint of the strength which we have, in the elements to fight a war, they will be unequal because the elements of surprise will be solely in the hands of the Communists operating under a totalitarian dictatorship, because they move without debate; they move without public discussion of their motives, and consequently we would live in constant jeopardy and fear of a force then fully as strong as ours, and under those circumstances I believe it would be impossible to perpetuate the peace.

If we are going to do anything about peace at all that is effective we should do it now before this nibbling process continues to the point where the Soviet sphere has obtained a parity of strength with the freedom-loving nations of the world. Once they get that and can use that as an element of surprise in attacking us, I think we face inevitable war and possible defeat.

« ПредыдущаяПродолжить »