Изображения страниц
PDF
EPUB

was mentioned here this morning,—when it was presented to this Congress of Junior Chamber International by the Brazilian delegation.

We believe:
That the brotherhood of man

Transcends the sovereignty of nations ;
That economic justice can best be won

By freemen through free enterprise;
That government should be of laws

Rather than of men ;
That earth's great treasure

Lies in human personality ;
And that service to humanity

Is the best work of life. That, gentlemen, is the ideal to which our members across the Nation are giving of themselves in practical application. Its opening statement sums up very aptly our considered judgment on the matter of world government—"That the brotherhood of man transcends the sovereignty of nations."

We are convinced that if the nations of the world continue down the road of nationalism, each jealously guarding the ultimate bit of its socalled sovereignty, they will one day be very rudely shocked into recog. nition of the higher "sovereignty” or power of the atom.

On that day it will be too late for us to recognize and put into effect a world government based on law and order. For the world govern. ment ushered in by that means will ignore law and order and be based on terroristic totalitarian principles.

Our analysis convinces us that a world government, to be strong enough to accomplish the task, must encompass three things not now encompassed by the UNO Charter.

First, it must possess sufficient power to regulate armaments. This regulationc can only be accomplished by the nations surrendering to the world government a sufficient degree of their sovereignty to permit constant inspection and regulation.

Secondly, its limited but adequate power must be defined by law within the framework of a constitution. This constitution should include the main features of our own Federal Constitution, since this Federal system is the only system which has demonstrated its applicability to a diversity of conditions similar to those with which the world government would be faced. It should provide for a division of functions as does our instrument, and it should set out the areas in which world government would operate, and define those areas reserved to the member states.

Its legislature should be empowered to enact world laws, enforceable directly upon individuals. This, of course, entails also the surrender of some degree of national sovereignty.

Thirdly, it must be adequately financed. Neither of the two previously enumerated essentials is possible of accomplishment without the third. Since taxation requires proportionate representation, this brings into the discussion the matter of changing the voting structure of the present Charter. If the great powers pay the major share of revenue they should have a greater voice in the deliberations. This in turn should compensate, at least in a measure, the surrender by the great powers, of the veto. And the veto power must be surrendered as one of the primary steps.

Further evidence of Jaycee thinking on this matter is furnished by the following resolution which was unanimously passed by our national board of directors last August. Every section of our country was represented by the almost 500 directors present and voting:

RESOLUTION PRESENTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS COMMITTEE OF THE

UNITED STATES JUNIOR CHAMBER OF COMMERCE

Since the will of the majority should be the guiding force in the United Nations Organization, and since the great power veto provided in the Charter is no longer necessary to provide for military unanimity, and since abuse of the veto power has on numerous occasions thwarted the will of the majority: Now, therefore, be it

Resolved, that the United States Junior Chamber of Commerce recommends to Congress that our delegation to the United Nations Organization be instructed to vigorously and affirmatively advocate immediate amendment of the Charter to abolish the great power veto and that the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice be made mandatory for arbitration of those differences between Nations which cannot be resolved in the Security Council or General Asembly of the UNO, in order to assure the enforcement of peace.

Unanimously passed by the board of directors of the United States Chamber of Commerce in meeting at Tulsa, Okla., this 30th day of August 1947.

We, the Jaycees of the United States, composed largely of the generation which fought the last war, and the generation which would be most directly affected by another war, feel that time is running out. If the United States does not soon exert the positive and aggressive leadership for which the nations of the world are looking, we are afraid it will be too late.

Delegations of Jaycees from 30 other countries have personally assured me that the peoples of their countries look with longing in their eyes and hope in their hearts to the United States for this leadership. We should

immediately set upon the task or their hope will turn to despair. We need not immediately set in motion the machinery for amendment, but we should, by working with the delegations of other nations, proceed with all possible haste, looking to amendment at the earliest possible time.

The soil is fertile. The seed is ripe. Planting time is now. By a little effort in properly preparing the ground to receive the seed, we can be assured of a vigorous tree. The fruits of victory will be the sweetest and most nourishing yet tasted by man. The fruits of failure are horrible to contemplate.

Mr. CHIPERFIELD (presiding). Thank you, Mr. Bishop, for a very interesting statement.

I certainly agree with the conclusions which the Jaycees have reached.

As a practical matter, how are we going to accomplish some of your suggestions?

For example, on page 3, you say, first, it must possess sufficient power to regulate armaments. I certainly agree with that statement but only last week the Atomic Energy Committee reported to the Security Council that they failed in reaching agreement.

Mr. BISHOP. They said that
No useful purpose can be served by further discussion.

Mr. CHIPERFIELD. What are you going to do in a case like that? Mr. Austin has repeatedy tried to get the Charter amended and has failed because of the veto power.

What can we do about situations like that?

а

Mr. BISHOP. Mr. Chairman, we think that by calling a general session of the United Nations for the purpose of amendment, this purpose can be accomplished.

We hear a lot of assumption that Russia will not come in. It certainly is not a foregone conclusion that Russia will not come in. As matter of fact, there has not been an offer made, the bona fides of which are above question.

If the United States, exercising the leadership which all of the countries are looking for and hoping for, will call this meeting, having previously "laid it on the line," so to speak, to the delegations, by saying in effect, “We are making an honest effort to do these things, in such a way that we are above suspicion in our offer, there is certainly no question in my mind, from conversations I have had with delegations of young men from these other various countries as I mentioned in my statement, that we would find an acceptance which has not even been considered possible by several of the witnesses I have heard here.

Mr. CHIPERFIELD (presiding). Mr. Vorys.

Mr. VoRys. Mr. Bishop, your reference to the origin in Ohio of this perfectly splendid creed of the national organization is very interesting to me, since I come from Columbus, Ohio, and we have visitors in the room from that neighborhood here today.

I am very much interested in your statement and in the fine work of your organization.

I have no questions.

Mr. BISHOP. I might mention, for your information, sir, that the young man, I believe he was from Columbus—who drew this creed, traveled all the way to Rio de Janeiro to personally present it to this Third World Congress of Junior Chamber International. We worked out a very beautiful translation of it into the various languages of the delegations and when it was presented by the Brazilian delegation it was accepted unanimously.

Mr. Vorys. I think you are correct in your statement as to where it came from.

Mr. JUDD. Mr. Bishop, I want to associate myself with the note you struck perhaps more emphatically than any other witness we have had, that we have no right to foreclose the possibility or even probability that the nations which at present seem recalcitrant may come along.

I have had the strongest confidence from the beginning that if we will agree on and present a generous and just offer that is obviously backed up by the great majority of the large and small nations of the world, the Russians will come along because their own common sense will require them to come along.

Certainly we ought not to begin an operation with the assumption that it is going to fail, before we even get the patient on the table.

I would like to ask, however, assuming Russia will not agree to amendment, have you in mind any second line of action or an alternative course of action?

Mr. BISHOP. As a matter of fact, I do not, for the simple reason of my confidence that the offer properly made, will be favorably received.

As one of the previous witnesses said here this morning, there was grave doubt that our Federal Constitution would be accepted by the Thirteen Colonies. As a matter of fact, Rhode Island did not come in until a year afterward.

After all, we cannot sleep at night if we foreclose in advance any constructive change by refusing to say, "We will call a general session to sit down and talk it over.

We would thereby shut the door, assuming in advance that there is no hope for mankind.

Mr. Judd. It is constantly held up that if we were to call a conference and it failed, that would be disastrous. Could it be any more disastrous than to continue the present course of allowing the world to go to pieces right before our eyes?

Mr. BISHOP. I cannot envision a worse disaster than I think we are traveling toward today.

I would like to point up here, in answer to that, some of the statements made by other gentlemen of the committee, about who is to take the initiative.

As a matter of fact, if our Executive were persently disposed to make this move, without being backed by some favorable expression from Congress, our delegation could not make the type of offer that is necessary.

In other words, it is absolutely imperative that the Congress have expressed itself as favoring this, backing and giving substance to the call by the Executive.

Mr. JUD. Is it your belief that if we allow things to continue as they have for 2 years, it is almost certain we will get into a war, and not just an ordinary war, but a war where even if we win, we lose?

Mr. BISHOP. If we continue to drift with a vacillating policy as we have done for the last several years, I see no alternative to an ultimate clash between these two opposing ideologies.

Mr. Judd. So you think our present course offers no hope?
Mr. BISHOP. Correct.
Mr. JUDD. The other course offers some hope?
Mr. BISHOP. Right.

Mr. Judd. And between a course with no hope and one with some hope there can be no alternative except to choose the course of action which gives some hope?

Mr. BISHOP. That is right.
Mr. Judd. Thank you very much.

Mr. Chairman, since I cannot be here tomorrow, I would like to have included in the record :

One, a resolution favoring action to strengthen the charter, signed by about 20 of the most prominent citizens of the State of Iowa,

and the other, a statement and a resolution issued on April 12, 1948, by the Emergency Committee of Atomic Scientists.

Mr. CHIPERFIELD (presiding). Without objection, it is so ordered. (The information is as follows:)

STATEMENT TO HOUSE FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE ON WORLD GOVERNMENT AND

HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTIONS 59-68

We, the undersigned citizens of the State of Iowa, commend the House Foreign Affairs Committee for its decision to hold hearings on House Concurrent Resolutions 59–68.

International anarchy and the threat of war are growing worse in spite of the United Nations; the UN can succeed only if it is transformed into an effective federal world government. As America's founding fathers assembled in 1787 to form a united nation out of 13 disunited states, so a United Nations conference must be called now to write a constitution for a world federation. As the

world's most powerful nation, the United States must take the lead in proposing a world government which can enact, interpret, and enforce all laws necessary to maintain peace, and which can apply world laws directly to individual citizens.

The passage of House Concurrent Resolutions 59-68 would put the United States Congress on record for such a world federation. We are confident that if the submission and consideration of the matter at the hearings is thorough, the committee will report favorably on these resolutions. America has everything to gain and nothing to lose by making this proposal to the world. No nation can afford another war.

We call upon Congress to endorse a practical program for peace federal world government.

Robert M. Blakely, editorial writer, Des Moines Register and Tribune;

Robert Buckmaster, city attorney, Waterloo; Rev. Grant A. Butler, chairman, Iowa Civil Liberties Union, minister, First Unitarian Church, Des Moines; David Dentan, assistant managing editor, Waterloo Courier; Elmo Ferguson, mayor, city of Muscatine; Bishop Elwood Haines, bishop, Episcopal Diocese of Iowa; member National Council, Protestant Episcopal Church; Cecil E. Hinshaw, president, William Penn College, Oskaloosa ; Don E. Hutchings, president, Des Moines Junior Chamber of Commerce; Robert H. Lind, president, Iowa City Chamber of Commerce; Iowa City district manager, Iowa-Illinois Gas & Electric Co.; Frank Miles, State education chairman, Veterans of Foreign Wars; World War II correspondent for national American Legion publications, Iowa Daily Press Association and radio station WHO; Harlan Miller, columnist, Des Moines Register and Tribune; Miss Alice Myers, president, Iowa Association for Adult Education; assistant to dean of Community College, Drake University ; Frank T. Nye, president, Iowa Junior Chamber of Commerce; associate editor, Cedar Rapids Gazette; George Olmsted, chairman of board, Hawkeye Casualty Co., Des Moines, brigadier general, Officers' Reserve Corps; first national chairman, Young Republican Organization; past president, United States Junior Chamber of Commerce; J. C. Pryor, past president, Iowa State Bar Association; member of Supreme Court Advisory Committee on Rules of Civil Procedure in Federal Courts; vice president, Mississippi Valley Savings & Loan Association, Burlington; Mrs. James S. Schramm, citizenship chairman, Iowa League of Women Voters; chairman, City Planning and Zoning Commission, Burlington; Forrest W. Seymour, editor of editorial pages, Des Moines Register and Tribune; member of Iowa Committee on Resettlement of Displaced Persons; Forrest B. Spaulding, librarian, Des Moines Public Library; chairman, Midwest Institute of International Relations; C. M. Stanley, president, Home-O-Nize Co.; senior partner, Stanley Engineering Co., Muscatine; Mrs. C. M. Strawman, president, Second District Federation of Republican Women's Clubs; Rabbi Irving J. Weingart, rabbi, Tifereth Israel Synagogue, Des Moines; member of speakers panel, National Conference of Christians and Jews; Matthew Westrate, judge, Seventh Judicial District of Iowa.

EMERGENCY COMMITTEE OF ATOMIC SCIENTISTS,

Princeton, N. J., April 12, 1948.

A POLICY FOR SURVIVAL: “No ONE HAS THE Right To WITHDRAW FROM THE WORLD

OF ACTION AT A TIME WHEN CIVILIZATION FACES ITS SUPREME TEST"

I. Two years ago this month the United Nations Atomic Energy Commission was in process of formation. Now the discussions on international control of atomic energy are about to be adjourned indefinitely, perhaps never again to be resumed. One of the most fateful events in history, has passed almost unnoticed. Its importance must be realized, its lesson for mankind must be made clear.

« ПредыдущаяПродолжить »