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The first measures of the nations, who are determined to make the best of their opportunities under the Charter, was to exploit the possibility of increasing the influence and usefulness of the General Assembly in order to supplement action by the Security Council. The General Assembly has no authority under the Charter to make binding decisions with respect to threats to the peace, breaches of the peace, and acts of aggression. It lias authority to make recommendations to the Security Council and to the members when, in its opinion, such action may be necessary on account of threats to the peace and when the matter is not on the agenda of the Security Council. At its last session, the General Assembly decided to create a standing committee of the whole Assembly, the so-called Little Assembly, which can sit permanently, consider matters referred to it by the Assembly, consider and if necessary investigate any dispute or situation proposed for the agenda of the Assembly and not on the agenda of the Security Council, and suggest a special session of the General Assembly if deemed desirable. This action by the General Assembly may create an atmosphere favorable to more effective action by the Security Council than heretofore, but it does not furnish a satisfactory remedy for the abuse of the veto by major powers.

Under article 51 of the Charter there is another possibility for effective action by members of the United Nations in cases where the Security Council fails to act with sufficient promptness. This article provides that nothing in the Charter “shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken the measures necessary to maintain international peace and security.” Measures taken by members in the exercise of this right of self-defense should, of course, be immediately reported to the Security Council. They should not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council to take such action as it might deem necessary to keep the peace. This inherent right of self-defense in case of armed attack, it should be emphasized, is both individual and collective. That is to say, any member of the United Nations, which may be attacked, has a right to defend itself by its own forces until more effective measures are taken by the Security Council, or a coalition of members under the same circumstances may use their combined armed forces to repel an attack. The latter possibility furnishes what seems to be an important opportunity for joint military action by members of the United Nations, should the abuse of the veto under the Yalta formula paralyze the authority of the Security Council in a case of aggression.

Article 51 originated with members of the United Nations who wished to keep their hands free for action under regional arrangements for dealing with such matters relating to the maintenance of international peace as may be appropriate for regional action. The representatives of the American Republics at the United Nations conference in San Francisco were particularly desirous of securing their freedom of action in cases primarily affecting the security of the Western Hemisphere. Their purpose to assume special responsibilities in the Western Hemisphere had been made plain by the Act of Chapultepec, and they wished to prevent the frustration of this Pan-American program by the existence of any obligations inconsistent with such action under the Charter of the United Nations. The Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance signed at Rio de Janerio, September 2, 1947, provided for collective defense by the American countries under this article. The same is true of the five power western European agreement signed March 17, 1948.

It is clear, however, that the provisions of article 51, although designed to permit regional arrangements for the American Republics of other geographical groups, also permit arrangements for collective action in self-defense by any group of members of the United Nations. This article makes it possible, for instance, for a group of members of the General Assembly itself to take decisive action in case of armed attack against any one of them. The language of article 51 seems to be clear that, if such an attack occurs against a single member of the United Nations, the right of self-defense inheres not only in that individual member, but in a group of members who wish to make common cause in self-defense until effective action is taken by the Security Council.

It would be possible, therefore, for the General Assembly, acting by the twothirds majority prescribed by the Charter for decisions by it on important questions, to recommend that states exercise their inherent right of collective self-defense under article 51. This possibility, however, is not enough by itself alone to give a due sense of security to members of the United Nations in view of the abuse of the veto in the Security Council under the Yalta formula. What is needed is a permanent arrangement under which members of the United Nations may know in advance what action may be expected by such members as may be disposed to exercise their inherent right of self-defense. The desired sense of security can be obtained by an appropriate convention approved by a sufficient number of the members of the United States in which the parties oblige themselves to act in defense of a state found by the Assembly to be the victim of aggression. Such a convention could become effective between those members of the United Nations who should subsequently ratify the convention in accordance with their respective constitutional processes. It would have the dual effect of giving authority to recommendations of the General Assembly in this field and of establishing obligations among the cooperating states to use ear-marked forces to prevent aggression.

Collective self-defense under article 51 of the Charter is a form of action for promoting international peace which is manifestly superior to unilateral action by a single member of the United Nations. Under the terms of the arrangement between the members who agree to exercise their right of collective self-defense each member might be bound to join in taking measures necessary to keep the peace, when the Assembly recommends or a suitable majority of the group decides that an armed attack against a member has made such action necessary. This would be a more effective arrangement than that contemplated by the Truman doctrine plus the Vandenberg amendment. The Truman doctrine, as amended, contemplates assistance by the United States, unless the General Assembly should expressly determine that the need for such assistance no longer existed. Under the proposed plan for a general arrangement between members of the United Nations under article 51, action would be taken under the inherent right of collective self-defense in pursuance of a finding by the General Assembly or the prescribed majority of the members associated in the arrangement that action is necessary. Each member of the group would then have the obligation to take the measures it had agreed upon. Under such an arrangement the United States, when duly authorized to exercise the right of collective self-defense as one of a group, would be in a stronger position, both military and moral, than when exercising its right of individual self-defense upon its own individual responsibility.

The advantages of such an arrangement under article 51 become clear upon considering the manner in which this right of collective self-defense would be actually exercised. Under the vigorous leadership of the United States and in view of the present sense of frustration caused by the abuse of the veto in the Security Council under the Yalta formula, the accession of a considerable number of the members of the United Nations to such an arrangement as is proposed may be confidently expected. If a majority of the members should ratify the proposed convention, the plan would become effective. Action by the United States in case of armed attack would then be contingent, not upon agreement by all the major powers with permanent seats in the Security Council, but upon action by such a number of the powers as would constitute the prescribed majority in the General Assembly. The balance of power would no longer be held by a single major power, but only by such a number of lesser powers as would be necessary to block action by the members adhering to the agreement for collective selfdefense.

The balance of power under such a plan for collective security would in fact lie with those nations which could prevent effective action in the General Assembly. For example, the 20 Latin American republics, acting together, would clearly have such a power. The democracies of western Europe, together with other democracies of the middle rank, would be in a similar position. No one major power, not even the United States, under such an arrangement, could dictate the measures to be taken in the exercise of the right of collective self-defense, but an opportunity would be created for the exercise of a more effective leadership in dealing with matters relating to the maintenance of international peace than can be expected under the Charter of the United Nations, if advantage is not taken of the opportunity afforded by article 51.

Loyalty to the United Nations is the cornerstone of American international policy. It is to the interest of the United States to use to the utmost the facilities afforded by the Charter for the maintenance of international peace. Full employment of the opportunity furnished by article 51 is not to be regarded as a means of camouflaging a resort to force for the settlement of international disputes. The effective implementation of the inherent right of collective self-defense should increase the practical security for the settlement of disputes without resort to force. Such an arrangement as proposed for organizing action in the exercise of the right of collective self-defense, properly understood, is the most promising means of promoting the settlement of international disputes by political methods, so long as the abuse of the veto in the Security Council is in danger of paralyzing the action of that important agency in the general system of collective security.

DRAFT FOR A TREATY FOR COLLECTIVE SELF-DEFENSE SUPPLEMENTARY TO THE UNITED

STATES CHARTER

The High Contracting Parties, Members of the United Nations,

Determined to achieve the purpose of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security and to that end to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace (art. 1, par, 1),

Recognizing their inherent right of individual and collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against any state until the Security Council has taken the measures necessary to maintain international peace and security (art. 51),

Recognizing their freedom to use force, except in the settlement of international disputes or against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations (art. 2, par. 3 and 4),

Recognizing their obligation to give the United Nations every assistance in any action it takes in accordance with the Charter (art. 2, par. 5),

Considering the primary responsibility of the Security Council to maintain international peace and security (art. 24), but

Considering the power of the General Assembly to make recommendations to the Members of the United Nations on any matter within the scope of the Charter (art. 10), or any question relating to the maintenance of international peace and security (art. 11, par. 2), and on any situation resulting from a violation of the provisions of the Charter setting forth the purposes and principles of the United Nations (art. 14), providing that the Security Council is not exercising its functions in regard to that matter (art. 12)

Have resolved to conclude the following treaty:

Article 1. Each of the High Contracting Parties agrees to maintain for immediate use by the United Nations the land, sea, and air forces and facilities which it has designated in the schedule attached to this treaty. It will maintain these forces in efficient and modern conditions and will not reduce them without one year's notice to the other parties.

Article 2. Should the Security Council, exercising its powers under Articles 39 and 42 of the Charter, decide to take action by land, sea, or air forces to maintain or restore international peace and security, the parties to this treaty will at once make available to the Security Council the whole or such part of the forces set aside in accord with Article 1 as that Council may request.

Article 3. Should it be alleged that any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression has occurred, and should the Security Council fail promptly to make recommendations or decide what measures should be taken in accord with Article 41 and 42 to maintain or restore international peace and security (art. 39), the parties to this treaty agree to place the matter on the agenda of the General Assembly, and if the matter is on the agenda of the Security Council, those parties who are members of the Security Council will take such steps as may be required to remove it therefrom. If the General Assembly is not in session, the parties to this treaty will initiate a call for a special session.

Article 4. Should the General Assembly, by a two-thirds vote of those present, consider that a threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression has occurred, and recommend measures not involving the use of armed force to maintain or restore international peace and security, the parties to this treaty will at once give effect to such recommendations.

Article 5. Should the General Assembly, by a two-thirds vote of those present, including at least three of the permanent members of the Security Council, consider that an armed attack has occurred against any state and recommend the use of armed force to maintain or restore international peace and security, the parties to this treaty will place at the disposal of the General Staff, constituted in accord with Article 6 of this treaty, the whole or such part of the forces set aside in accord with Article 1 as may be requested by that body.

Article 6. In case the emergency described in Article 5 should occur, the Chiefs of Staff of the permanent members of the Security Council parties to this treaty and cooperating to maintain the recommendations of the General Assembly shall at once meet and assume the responsibilities and exercise the functions of a

general staff in behalf of the parties to this treaty. The general staff shall organize and direct the forces provided by this treaty for the purpose of maintaining or restoring international peace and security, and shall appoint a high command for such forces while operating during such emergency in behalf of the parties to this treaty.

Article 7. In addition to taking the action called for in Articles 2, 3, 4, and 5, the parties to this treaty will cooperate in full with one another, with the United Nations, and with the general staff and high command of forces acting in their behalf in accord with Article 6 of this treaty to assure the restoration or maintenance of international peace and security in such an emergency. To facilitate such cooperation, they will meet in case the emergencies described in Articles 4 or 5 of this treaty should occur, and will establish such agencies as may be necessary during such emergency to fulfill the purpose described in those articles.

Article 8. The parties to this treaty shall, in accord with Article 51 of the Charter, immediately report to the Security Council of the United Nations any measures taken in accord with Articles 4, 5, 6, and 7 of this treaty, and should the Security Council decide what measures should be taken to maintain or restore international peace and security, the parties to this treaty will act in accord with such decisions.

Article 9. This treaty shall not in any way impair the inherent right of the parties to engage in self-defense under Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, individually or through other collective arrangements consistent with their obligations under the United Nations Charter.

Article 10. This treaty shall be open to signature by Members of the United Nations and shall come into effect among the states which ratify it as soon as ratifications have been deposited by a majority of the Members of the United Nations, including three of the permanent members of the Security Council. Ratifications shall be deposited with the Secretariat of the United Nations.

Schedule

In accord with Article 1 of this treaty, the parties agree to maintain in a condition of readiness for use by the United Nations the following forces and facilities : Country A

Land Forces_-
Sea Forces.
Air Forces

Facilities.
Country B

Land Forces.
Sea Forces
Air Forces.

Facilities_
Country C

Land Forces.
Sea Forces
Air Forces

Facilities---
Etc.

Mr. EICHELBERGER. Other steps could be taken within the Charter to enhance world security. Our Association has for some time urged that the United States initiate a movement for the establishment of a United Nations constabulary. It would be composed of volunteers, wearing a United Nations uniform and marching under its flag, without loss of national citizenship. Such a constabulary, while not sufficient to stop large-scale aggression as would be the purpose of armed contingents, would be of invaluable police service in such situations as Palestine, Greece, and Kashmir.

We have long urged that the United States initiate a policy of placing strategic bases under United Nations trusteeship so that the bases which we and others hold would, in a sense, be United Nations police stations.

5 This number is only suggestive. Some members of the Commission favored a larger number, other members favored a smaller number of required signatures.

75921-48-30

None of these steps involve revision of the Charter. They involve the performance by nations who have determined that the United Nations be the foundation of their foreign policy.

Too little effort is made to point out that the Security Council was successful in the evacuation of Soviet troops from Iran, or French and British troops from Syria and Lebanon; or that in dealing with Indonesia, Pakistan, and India, the Council is dealing with some success in situations involving one-fifth of the world's population.

Little has been said before this committee about the successful functioning of the Trusteeship Council, and the fact that colonial peoples everywhere may look forward to a better day because of provisions for the welfare and self-government of dependent peoples contained in the Charter, and the vigilance with which the Trusteeship Council is carrying out its mandate. Little has been said of the work of the Economic Commission for Europe, of the Food and Agriculture Organization, or of other bodies which are slowly and painfully weaving the fabric of a united world, with little publicity, because publicity is concentrated on the dramatic and the failures.

Some of the talk for revision of the Charter leads to escapism. It is easier to talk about revision than failure of governments to make full use of the Charter. It is easier to talk about the ideal settlement that can be made if world federation were established rather than to undertake the task of meeting present day problems through the United Nations. And while our Association has opposed an immediate effort for textual revision of the Charter, we have been one of the pioneers in the field of human rights, justice for Palestine, the Little Assembly, the implementation of article 51 and many other problems before the United Nations.

To repeat, we believe the United Nations can and must be strengthened by performance and implementation. Charter revision should not be attempted until success would be assured. The nations must make the United Nations the foundation of their foreign policy rather than an instrument of policy. This fundamental change in national attitudes involves a comprehensive program of education. And no escapism can take the place of this stern effort.

Chairman Eaton. Thank you, Mr. Eichelberger. Are there any questions?

Mr. LODGE. I would like to say that Mr. Eichelberger has given us a very informative statement.

I take it, Mr. Eichelberger, that you are opposed to all the resolutions which are now before the committee, Resolution 59 as well as 163?

Mr. EICHELBERGER. I am opposed to any resolution which would involve calling a constitutional convention under article 109 of the Charter at this time. When the time comes that a textual revision of the Charter can help rather than harm the United Nations, we shall have some proposals for revision of our own. We feel now that the way to strengthen the United Nations is by greater fulfillment of obligations by the members and by the implementation of the Charter.

Mr. LODGE. With respect to the 23 vetoes used by Soviet Russia in the past, only 3 of those came with respect to actual aggression, whereas the bulk of the vetoes were with respect to matters coming under chapter 6, which is the chapter from which General Marshall once proposed the veto be eliminated; is that correct?

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