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AFFAIRS, OCTOBER 1947 We are right to be dissatisfied with the condition of the world 2 years after the victory, but we would be wrong to let our sense of bafflement persuade us to change the direction of our policy. The direction remains the same; and so long as our Government keeps its compass set by the same star the public will leave it free to show the greatest resourcefulness and vigor of which it is capable.

We no longer boast, as Ambassador George Harvey did with such ineffable complacency in 1923: “The National American policy is to have no foreign policy.” We have a foreign policy and we believe in it. Its cornerstone is support for the principles and purposes of the United Nations as set forth in articles 1 and 2 of the Charter, and we should like to build on and up from this cornerstone in accordance with the blueprint agreed upon at San Francisco. The United Nations has had successes, notably in dealing with the Iranian crisis and the affair of the Corfu Channel. But its attempts to solve the fundamental problems which are today causing the world's greatest anxieties have left many of its adherents wondering whether, all differing ideas as to procedure aside, the members at present do really have identical aims. For its efforts to agree on methods for controlling atomic energy, providing forces for international police purposes, limiting armaments, discouraging and restraining aggression, even for concerting action for economic recovery, have been paralyzed, directly or indirectly, by what Mr. Stimson elsewhere in these pages calls the “everlasting no" of one power.

In attempting to carry out the purposes of the United Nations we have already been forced in one instance to go outside its framework. We have launched the attempt to restore the self-support and self-reliance of the battered European nations by direct cooperative action, not because we or the other nations concerned wish to ignore the United Nations but because its economic organs are still in a formative stage and because the work to be done cannot wait on the veto of one power.

Similarly, if there comes from that power only an “everlasting no” to every attempted preparation for dealing with aggression we may be forced to find a way of reinforcing the United Nations itself, to the end that its faithful members who wish to carry out their obligations under the Charter may have the means to do

A possible method would be for a group of members of the United Nations to enter into a supplementary protocol binding themselves to resist aggression if two-thirds of them agreed that the terms of the Charter required action and if the Security Council had failed to act. The obligation to resist aggression is laid upon all members in articles 1 and 2 of the Charter, which set forth the Organization's purposes and principles; the suggested supplementary action would be taken by virtue of article 51, which reserves to members the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if a member is the victim of armed attack and if the Security Council fails to take the measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. The two-thirds majority suggested for bringing the protocol into effect would correspond to that fixed at Rio for starting action under the new hemisphere treaty. Remembering that the failure of the Geneva protocol of 1924 was the real turning point in the history of the League of Nations, we might consider whether an instrument supplementing the Charter while remaining true to its spirit might not give a new impetus to the deliberations at Lake Success and Flushing Meadows.

FEDERAL UNION, INC.: THE FEDERAL UNION PLAN AT A GLANCE The federal union plan would secure freedom, recovery, and peace by uniting the United States and other civil liberty democracies in a federal union of the free, modeled on the United States Constitution. This new republic would be the nucleus for a world government. That is, it would be designed to grow by federating with other nations as this became practicable, much as the United States grew from 13 to 48 States. Pending its growth into a government of, by, and for all the people on earth, it would be a member of the UN.

Civil-liberty democracies are those nations that have proved most capable of assuring the individual freedom of speech, press, and other basic liberties covered by, our term, bill of rights. They include the United States, Canada, Britain, Eire, Holland, Belgium, France, Switzerland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, New


Zealand, Australia, the Union of South Africa. You might add a few more. As the free peoples center mainly on the Atlantic, their union is often called a transAtlantic union.

A federal union of the free is an interstate government so made as to keep you, the citizen, free and sovereign. In the union, as in your nation or state, you elect the lawmakers, and their laws are enforced on you individually. Power is divided between the union and your national government with a view to advancing thereby your liberty, prosperity, pea

The division of powers between the union and the national governments, and the character of the union's executive, legislative, and judicial departments, would be decided by a constitutional convention, subject to ratification by each democracy.

The union's powers should include the sole right to conduct foreign relations, maintain armed forces, issue currency, regulate commerce and communications between member nations, grant union citizenship. It should, of course, have the power to tax, and to uphold its bill of rights.

The first federal union of the free was formed by the United States. The Swiss, Canadians, and South Africans have made successful multilanguage federal unions.

Freedom for all men equally through an ever-growing federal union of the freethat, in short, is the federal-union plan. CITIZENS COMMITTEE FOR UNITED NATIONS REFORM, Inc.: THE Quota FORCE



1. Define aggression in the Charter, as an attack with weapons of violence by a state or its citizens against the territory of another state.

2. Define preparation for aggression in the Charter, as the production of atomic weapons, production of other important armament beyond agreed quotas, or refusal to submit to inspection.

3. Abolish the veto in the Security Council in matters specifically concerning aggression and preparation for aggression. It is not the "abuse” of the veto, but the legal right to veto, which must be abolished if the Security Couneil is not to remain a perpetually hung jury. The United States has officially proposed that the veto be abolished in chapter VI. This is not enough. We must eliminate the present right of a major power, under chapter VII, to rearm for aggression, attack its neighbor, and then veto any attempt of the Security Council to do anything about it.

4. Reorganize the Security Council so that, without the veto, the six nonpermanent members from the smaller states cannot outvote the five permanent members. Suggested representation: Two members each from United States, Britain, and Russia; one each from France and China, and two selected collectively by the smaller member states. This new representation recognizes the present power position of the major nations, but gives the smaller states a new collective power.

5. Establish a world court (or reorganize the International Court of Justice) to decide when aggression and preparation for aggression has occurred, to interpret the reformed UN Charter, and to enforce its provisions on both governments and individuals. The composition of the court should be similar to that of the reformed Security Council. A strong judiciary will thus balance the executivelegislative power of the reformed Security Council.

Results: The first reform establishes a higher law (no aggression or preparation for aggression) and a strong and workable body to administer that law (reformed Security Council and world court). But the United States and other members need give up only what they have already surrendered in principle—the "right" to wage aggressive war.



1. Control of atomic energy: Establish an Atomic Development Authority, responsible to the reformed, vetoless Security Council, for the rigid control of atomic weapons in accordance with the official United States plan (Baruch proposal). Follow a similar procedure with other weapons of mass destruction, such as bacteriological weapons. The illegal production or use of these atomic and other super weapons shall be absolutely prohibited.

2. World quota disarmament in other important weapons (war planes, warships, etc.): Give the Security Council the right to fix yearly the total quantity in specified categories that may be produced in the world. Of this total quantity each of the five major powers will have the right to produce a certain quota, specified in the Charter, which it may not exceed; the remaining member states will have a collective quota, to be produced in their territories by an Armament Authority responsible to the Security Council. Thus the amount of important armament produced in the world can gradually be reduced almost to zero. But the relative strength of the major powers and the collective of small nations will remain constant, as determined by their production quotas. Suggested quotasenough for defense, not enough for aggression-are: United States, Britain, and Russia, 20 percent each; France and China, 10 percent each; the smaller member states through the Armament Authority, 20 percent collectively.

3. Enforcement: Give the Security Council the power and responsibility of enforcing the above provisions, by maintaining adequate staffs of inspectors with full rights of access to the terrltories of member states.

4. In the event that any major state refuses to participate in the world quota disarmament, the quotas of other major states shall be increased proportionately. The Security Council may also decree an extra quota of production, to make certain that any outside state will be faced with overwhelming organized strength. The outside state should soon realize the folly of trying to compete with the rest of the world, and join in the quota disarmament.

Results: The second reform achieves humanity's goal of controlled disarmament, eliminates the back-breaking load of the armament race, and implements resolutinns already passed by the UN General Assembly.



The world police force will consist of two parts: The active force will be an international contingent, recruited from the small nations only; the reserves will be five national contingents, from the major powers. It will be organized as follows:

1. Set up an international contingent, maintained by the Security Council under its direct control, consisting of volunteers from the smaller member states only. This will be a professional army, highly paid and highly trained, stationed in special internationalized bases and temporarily in Germany and elsewhere as the only troops of occupation.

2. Equip the international contingent with the collective quota of heavy armament produced by the armament authority in the smaller member states. Its strength will thus be automatically limited by the small nations' production quota of armament.

3. Give the Security Council the power to move the international contingent immediately against any state (or citizens) found guilty by the world court of aggression or preparation for aggression. The international contingent is certain to support the authority of the UN, since its members come from the smaller states, whose only hope of survival is an effective international organization.

4. Úse the national armed forces of the five major powers as national contingents, to serve as reserves to the international contingent if necessary. These national armed forces will remain under complete control of their respective governments; but their strength will be automatically limited by their production quotas of armament, as provided in the second reform.

Results: Since the international contingent is limited to one-fifth of the world's armed strength, it cannot become a world tyranny. Since the national armed forces of the five major powers are also limited, none of them can successfully defy the UN; but they retain their own armed forces for defense.

Once the international contingent is organized, it will very probably not be necessary to use it. The fact that it is there, ready for instant action, backed up if necessary by the national contingents, is enough to deter any government from making the fatal decision of resort to force. No government is likely to commit aggression if it knows in advance that it cannot win.


St. Louis, Mo., NOVEMBER 1-2, 1947 Resolved, That a world federal government must initially be based upon the following principles and include the following powers:


(1) Membership: Participation in the world federal government should be open at all times to all nations without the right of secession.

(2) Reservation of powers: All powers not delegated to the world federal government should be reserved to the nations and their peoples in order to guarantee to each nation its right to maintain its own domestic, political, economic, social, and religious institutions.

(3) Enforcement of world law: World law should be enforceable directly upon individuals.

(4) Balanced representation: Representation in the legislative body should be determined upon a just formula recognizing population, economic development, educational level and other relevant factors; each representative to vote as an individual.

(5) Bill of rights: The world constitution should include a bill of rights assuring equal and adequate protection to persons affected by the constitution and laws of the world federal government.

(6) Revenue: The world federal government should have authority to raise dependable revenue under a carefully defined and limited but direct taxing power independent of national taxation.

(7) Amendments: Reasonable provisions should be made for amendment of the constitution.


Such legislative, executive, and judicial powers as may be found necessary to the preservation of peace should be delegated to the world federal government. These should certainly include at least the following provisions which should be incorportated in the world constitution itself:

(1) Provisions prohibiting the possession by any nation of armaments and forces beyond an approved level required for internal policing.

(2) Provisions requiring control by the world federal government of the dangerous aspects of atomic energy development and of other scientific developments easily diverted to mass destruction.

(3) Provisions requiring such world inspection, police and armed forces as may be necessary to enforce world law and provide world security,

(4) Other powers: We recognize that although some world federalists believe that such limited powers would be sufficient as a beginning, others are convinced that any world organization to be effective, even at the start, must have broader powers to bring about peaceful change in the direction of a free and prosperous world community Such differences as exist among world federalists on this point are mainly questions of timing. There is full agreement that we should move as rapidly as possible to a world federal government with authority and power to legislate on other basic causes of international conflict.




The people of the earth having agreed

that the advancement of man
in spiritual excellence and physical welfare
is the common goal of mankind;

that universal peace is the prerequisite
for the pursuit of that goal;

that justice in turn is the prerequisite of peace,
and peace and justice stand or fall together;

that iniquity and war inseparably spring
from the competitive anarchy of the national states;

that therefore the age of nations must end,
and the era of humanity begin;
the governments of the nations have decided

to order their separate sovereignties
in one government of justice,
to which they surrender their arms;

and to establish, as they do establish,
this Constitution
as the covenant and fundamental law
of the Federal Republic of the World.


A The universal government of justice as covenanted and pledged in this constitution is founded on the Rights of Man.

The principles underlying the Rights of Man are and shall be permanently stated in the Duty

of everyone everywhere, whether a citizen sharing in the responsibilities and privileges of World Government or a ward and pupil of the World Commonwealth:

to serve with word and deed, and with productive labor according to his ability, the spiritual and physical advancement of the living and of those to come, as the common cause of all generations of men;

to do unto others as he would like others to do unto him;
to abstain from violence,
except for the repulse of violence as commanded or granted under law.


In the context therefore of social duty and service, and in conformity with the unwritten law which philosophies and religions alike called the Law of Nature and which the Republic of the World shall strive to see universally written and enforced by positive law:

it shall be the right of everyone everywhere to claim and maintain for himself and his fellowmen:

release from the bondage of poverty and from the servitude and exploitation of labor, with rewards and security according to merit and needs;

freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, in any creed or party or craft, within the pluralistic unity and purpose of the World Republic;

protection of individuals and groups against subjugation and tyrannical rule, racial or national, doctrinal or cultural, with safeguards for the selfdetermination of minorities and dissenters;

and any such other freedoms and franchises as are inherent in man's inalienable claims to life, liberty, and the dignity of the human person, and as the legislators and judges of the World Republic shall express and specify.

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The four elements of life-earth, water, air, energy-are the common property of the human race. The management and use of such portions thereof as are vested in or assigned to particular ownership, private or corporate or national or regional, of definite or indefinite tenure, of individualist or collectivist economy, shall be subordinated in each and all cases to the interest of the common good.

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