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I CERTIFY THAT the foregoing is a true copy of the Charter of the United Nations, with the Statute of the International Court of Justice annexed thereto, signed in San Francisco, Calif., on June 26, 1945, in the Chinese, French, Russian, English, and Spanish languages, the signed original of which is deposited in the archives of the Government of the United States of America.

IN TESTIMONY WHEREOF, I, Edward R. Stettinius, Jr., Secretary of State, have hereunto caused the seal of the Department of State to be affixed and my name subscribed by an Assistant Chief, Division of Central Services of the said Department, at the city of Washington, in the District of Columbia, this twentysixth day of June 1945.

[SEAL]

E. R. STETTINIUS, Jr.,
Secretary of State.

By M. L. KENESTRICK,
Assistant Chief, Division of Central Services.

The CHAIRMAN. We are honored this morning by the presence of Mr. Stettinius, who was not only the head of the United States delegation at San Francisco but was elected by the Conference as its chief presiding officer, and who discharged his duties with great efficiency and splendid ability. We are very happy this morning to begin the hearings by inviting Mr. Stettinius to appear before us. Mr. Stettinius.

STATEMENT BY HON. EDWARD R. STETTINIUS, JR., PERSONAL REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, ACCOMPANIED BY ALGER HISS, DIRECTOR OF THE OFFICE OF SPECIAL POLITICAL AFFAIRS, DEPARTMENT OF STATE; EDWARD G. MILLER, JR., ASSISTANT TO HON. DEAN ACHESON, ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE; AND CHARLES P. NOYES, ASSISTANT TO MR. STETTINIUS

Mr. STETTINIUS. Mr. Chairman and members of the Committee on Foreign Relations, it is an honor to appear before you as the first witness in your consideration of the United Nations Charter and the Statute of the International Court of Justice.

One week ago today the President submitted the Charter to the Senate for ratification. May I also formally submit to you, on his behalf, and place in the record at this time, the report which I made to him as chairman of the United States delegation at the San Francisco Conference?

Copies of this report have been placed in the hands of every member of this committee and are available to all the other members of the Senate.

The report begins with a letter of transmittal making a general statement on the Charter, and an introduction giving full information on all the preparations for a world organization made by the United States Government, both before and after Dumbarton Oaks. It deals in full detail with each chapter of the Charter. For the convenience of this committee and of the Senate, each chapter of the report spells out the differences between the Dumbarton Oaks proposals and the Charter and discusses the reasons for the changes and additions which were made, as well as other amendments which it was decided to reject.

References are made in the appropriate places in the report to the documentation of the Conference, especially where official interpretations are involved.

The report also contains an annex, which includes parallel texts of the Charter and the Dumbarton Oaks proposals; a key to this comparison; the text of the Statute of the International Court; the text of the agreement on interim arrangements; and a complete list of delegations attending the San Francisco Conference.

(The report referred to follows:)

REPORT TO THE PRESIDENT ON THE RESULTS OF THE SAN FRANCISCO CONFERENCE

(By the Chairman of the United States delegation, the Secretary of State, June 26, 1945)

SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., June 26, 1945.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: The United Nations Conference on International Organization met in San Francisco on the 25th day of April, 1945. At that time the war in Europe had lasted for more than five years; the war in the Pacific for more than three; the war in China for almost eight. Casualties of a million men, dead, wounded, captured, and missing had been suffered by the United States alone. The total military casualties of the nations which had fought the European war were estimated at some fourteen million dead and forty-five millions wounded or captured without count of the civilian dead and maimed and missing-a multitude of men, women, and children greater than the whole number of inhabitants of many populous countries. The destruction among them all of houses and the furniture of houses, of factories, schools, shops, cities, churches, libraries, works of art, monuments of the past, reached inexpressible values. Of the destruction of other and less tangible things, it is not possible to speak in terms of cost-families scattered by the war, minds and spirits broken, work interrupted, years lost from the lives of a generation.

Thirty years before the San Francisco Conference was called, many of the nations represented there had fought another war of which the cost in destruction had been less only than that of the present conflict. Total military casualties in the war of 1914-1918 were estimated at thirty-seven million men. Counting enemy dead with the dead among the Allies, and civilian losses with military losses, over thirteen million human beings, together with a great part of the work they had accomplished and the possessions they owned, had been destroyed. Many of the nations represented at San Francisco had

fought the second war still weakened by the wounds they suffered in the first. Many had lost the best of two succeeding generations of

young men.

It was to prevent a third recurrence of this great disaster that the Conference of the United Nations was called in San Francisco according to the plans which Mr. Cordell Hull as Secretary of State had nurtured to fruition. The Conference had one purpose and one purpose only: to draft the charter of an international organization through which the nations of the world might work together in their common hope for peace. It was not a new or an untried endeavor. Again and again in the course of history men who have suffered war have tried to make an end of war. Twenty-six years before the San Francisco Conference met, the Conference at Paris, under the inspired and courageous leadership of Woodrow Wilson, wrote the Covenant of a League of Nations which many believed would serve to keep the peace. That labor did not gain the wide support it needed to succeed.

But the Conference at San Francisco, though it was called upon to undertake a task which no previous international conference or meeting had accomplished, met nevertheless with high hopes for the work it had to do. It did not expect-certainly no member of the American Delegation expected-that a final and definitive solution of the problem of war would be evolved. Members of the Conference realized, from the first day, that an evil which had killed some forty million human beings, armed and unarmed, within the period of thirty years, and which, before that, had ravaged the world again and again, from the beginning of history, would not be eradicated by the mere act of writing a charter, however well designed.

Nevertheless, the Conference at San Francisco had behind it the demonstrated capacity of its members to work together to a degree rarely if ever before attained by sovereign nations. Not only in the prosecution of a war fought on four continents and the waters and islands of every ocean under conditions of the greatest danger and difficulty, but in the preparation for the termination of the war and, more particularly, in the preparation for the organization of the post-war world to keep the peace, the principal Allies had established a working and workable collaboration without precedent in the history of warfare. At Moscow in 1943, the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union and China had made a pledge which still endures, to continue their united action "for the organization and maintenance of peace and security." At Dumbarton Oaks, these four Allies had reached agreement upon proposals for a world security organization, and later at Yalta, the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union had further extended the area of their common understanding to which China gave her full adherence. These proposals, immediately published for the criticisms and comments of the people of all the United Nations, became the basis of the work at San Francisco.

Furthermore, there was reason, in the nature of the San Francisco Conference itself, to hope that more could be accomplished there than had been possible at earlier meetings. The Conference called at San Francisco was not a peace-time conference summoned to debate the theory of international cooperation, or a post-war conference convened to agree upon a treaty. It was a war-time conference. Every

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