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made a part of our school system, where our teachers are given sufficient money, sufficient opportunity in their work so that they can be good representatives of an educational world system; so that the very necessity to learn and study is a part of American life, so that we do not just "take things easy” and as a great sprawling industrial nation feel satisfied and smug about ourselves.

There is another problem which confronts all of us today, and that is this business of propaganda. What Mr. Flynn had to say about propaganda was very interesting to me, because we get propaganda on the air and in our magazines and newspapers. But if we are going to criticize propaganda, does not the problem lie at our very own doorstep, because of accepting it as a basic fact instead of reasoning the problem out, writing our editors, our newspapers and radio stations, and our Representatives and Senators?

How can we possibly sit here in this room, or around our kitchen tables, and say that this Charter is bad, or that it is perfect, without feeling that we are part of that Charter because you men, our keymen, represented us? It was you men who helped to carry through the bill of human rights. Our educators helped, also. Therefore, we, as individual humans, are a part of the Charter, everyone of us.

If we are to understand the Charter—which affects several billions of people, which affects unborn babies-we must realize that there is a human interest side of a very human Charter. Therefore, it is a very personal thing, is it not? It is a document that is very important to us, and yet many of us say, we do not understand it. Of course we do not-because we have not even read it.

Every person in this room should feel a little more close to a personal and democratic form of government. Perhaps many of our legislators are charlatans that are sitting in high posts because they enjoyed jobs that either dropped into their laps or because they had an opportunity, through money or other sources, to obtain high jobs. But, if we are going to make better laws we have to do it through own own efforts and our own methods. We have to vote, we have to think, we have to read, we have to write, we have to talk with people. We must realize the necessity of not listening to gossip and rumors of people from other nations and letting it affect us. If we are going to learn to understand these people we have got to learn their language. Our own State Department quite often sends representatives to foreign nations who do not understand the language of the people. I think that is a mistake which we will have to do something about in the future.

If we are going to create statesmen and politicians and diplomats of the future, we people right here today must do something about it. We must have more community life in our own States and cities and homes where we concentrate upon discussion groups of both national and international scope.

Finally, the Security Council must make clear to the public, to each and every one of us, what its policies are. We must try to understand those policies. We are the ones who must disprove or approve them for the Council is actually representing us. They are not supposed to be representing a few tycoons. So I feel absolutely that the thing we have got to get down to is closer knowledge and closer appreciation of what is going on in the world. Through these 4 days, these very fascinating and colorful 4 days in this caucus room, I have seen the men and women of a gigantic young nation talking back and forth. They have had the opportunity of expressing their views. Some of them are skeptics. Others are realistic people who have many vital things to say. The very fact that they can say them here is a wonderful thing. It is a democratic gesture toward the future legislative understanding of international affairs. This is only one small part of the United States. Every person in this country can do the same thing, and thus each one can truly be a part of the Charter and of the United States Government.

In conclusion I would like to say that this Charter, in my opinion, humble as it is, is not a perfect Charter, but I feel that it comes nearer and closer to perfection and more to the grass roots advancement than anything we have ever attempted before. If we have to choose between two evils—although I dislike to use that phrase the better of the two is the one which gives us the greatest opportunity for security and the greatest opportunity to make a better world.

I do hope that all of us will realize finally, that this is only the beginning. Some of us seem to feel that the Charter is the last world. It certainly is not the last word, because we as individuals are going to mold public opinion if we will only express our opinions. If we as individuals would be a little more sincere and a little less lazy about our public opinions we would have greater cooperation in an aim toward future peace in this country and with the nations of the world.

The CHAIRMAN. You are for the Charter, I understand?
Mrs. Adams. I hope that I have conveyed that impression.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much.



Senator ANDREWS. Mr. Chairman, I am presenting to the committee for inclusion in the record of the hearings on the United Nations Charter a letter which I have just received from the Honorable Hamilton Holt, president of Rollins College, Winter Park, Fla., whom you may recall attended the United Nations Conference in San Francisco. Dr. Holt is perhaps the only living member of the original group of distinguished American citizens who began the movement for world peace more than 40 years ago. He was one of the advisers of Woodrow Wilson during the peace treaty conference in Versailles at the end of World War I. Since that date Dr. Holt has spent a goodly portion of his time by means of voice and press in advocating a charter for the purposes which are now being accomplished.

Dr. Holt is taking his summer vacation at Woodstock, Conn. and offers to appear before the committee, but inasmuch as the hearings are to close today he will not have the opportunity to appear. Many Members of the Senate know Dr. Holt personally or know of him, and I feel that his letter is of such great importance that it should be included in the record of the hearings.

I am also submitting a letter which I have just received from the Honorable S. Bruce Jones, of Bristol, Va., to which is attached a copy of a letter written by Lt. Denis J. Jones, a paratrooper in France, upon receipt of the news that Mr. Jones' only son, a pilot on a flying fortress, had been killed in action. May I state that these two letters so succinctly and ably express the sentiments of the hearts and minds of the average American that they should be perpetuated by being placed in the record of the hearings.

May I also state in behalf of the two and one-quarter million people of Florida, with many of whom I have talked recently, that deep appreciation is felt for the patriotic, able, and painstaking services which you, Senator Connally, Senator Vandenberg, Mr. Stettinius, and others in the American delegation rendered in behalf of world peace at the San Francisco Conference. The people of Florida pronounce the United Nations Charter to be the greatest document in behalf of the dignity and freedom of man that has been drafted since the beginning of history. They express also a view, in which I concur, that this Charter will be ratified almost unanimously by the United States Senate when the final vote is taken.


Winter Park, Fla., July 11, 1945. Hon. CHARLES OSCAR ANDREWS,

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. DEAR SENATOR ANDREWS: I spent the first 6 weeks at the United Nations Conference in San Francisco, and, as you no doubt know, I sent a daily dispatch on the background of the Conference to the Orlando Daily Sentinel.

I suppose I must be the only living man who has been at the heart of this movement for world federation from the very beginning, for I have been promoting this movement through voice and pen and by establishing organizations for nearly 50 years. The men who were at the center of the movement at the beginning are all dead, and the men who are now in the saddle came in subsequently.

Dumbarton Oaks took perhaps 85 percent of their proposals directly from the Covenant of the League of Nations, the other 15 percent of suggestions were better than the proposals of the Covenant of the League, except in regard to disarmament. San Francisco, thanks to the initiative of the small nations like Australia, New Zealand, the Philippines and some of the South American states, so liberalized Dumbarton Oaks that the present United Nations Charter is 25 percent better than the Covenant.

I am very happy here taking something of a rest in my old-fashioned homestead, and am loath to leave it if possible, but if you think it would serve any purpose for me to apply to be heard before the Foreign Relations Committee in behalf of the Charter I will gladly come. Of course I know you are heart and soul for ratification, so I do not need to urge you to vote for it.

I hope you will have a happy and restful summer, and agree with me that when the United Națions are established it will mark the greatest milestone in international political progress since the establishment in 1787 in Philadelphia of the United States Constitution. Faithfully yours,



Bristol, Va., July 11, 1945. Hon. CHARLES O. ANDREWS,

United States Senate Ofice Building, Washington, D. C. DEAR SENATOR ANDREWS: Attached is a copy of a letter written by First Lt. Denis J. Jones, a paratrooper in France, who has since been decorated. This letter was written upon receipt of the news that my only son, Lt. Sydney Bruce Jones, Jr., a copilot on a Flying Fortress, had been killed in action.

The letter expresses so pointedly the hopes of the men who are doing the fighting that I thought it might be of interest to you, as a Member of the Senate, at this time.

The work of the San Francisco Conference cannot be perfect, but it is a beginning. It sets up the machinery which can be utilized by the nations as a means of settlements of disputes without resort to war, if the nations will use this machinery. For the Senate to fail to ratify this Charter would mean the abandonment of their leadership and the destruction of the hopes of the millions of common people.

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Looking back over the last 26 years, I cannot escape the conclusion that if the Senate had approved the old League of Nations and if the people generally had not accepted the folly of isolation, the present war might have been deferred for many years, or possibly averted, and my boy would still be alive. Now, as then, the lives of innocent children, who are in no way responsible for the present condition of world affairs, will be affected by the action of the Senate. Very truly yours,


FRANCE, February 12, 1945. MY DEAR UNCLE BRUCE: Today I received word about Bruse, Jr. I find it hard to express my deep sorrow and sympathy, but you know exactly how I feel. Bruce and I were much closer than most cousins. I find it hard to believe that the good times we had are no more.

Today I had the second bath in over 6 weeks. We are back in France now, nice and safe, but during those 6 weeks, I lost many a good friend and expect to lose more, but what I'm getting at is this, were those men sacrified for nothing? We are winning the war, certainly, but how about the peace?" Will my son have to come over here 25 years from now and repeat this? If the soldiers could be shown proof that this was the war to end wars, they wouldn't mind the cold, rain, mud; and that hopeless feeling that hits us sometimes would disappear.

If the American public expects the soldier home from the battlefield to know all the answers for a lasting peace, they have another thought coming. We are taught destruction, not diplomacy, statesmanship, etc. We'll win the war, but you folks at home will have to win the peace. Sincerely,

DENIS, The CHAIRMAN. The next witness is Mr. Gerken. How much time do you think you can get along with?

Mr. GERKEN. I would like to have as much as 15 minutes.

The CHAIRMAN. We cannot give you that long. You were called yesterday and you were not here.

Mr. GERKEN. A telegram came that I have in my pocket and said to be here this morning.

The CHAIRMAN. You may proceed.


Mr. GERKEN. My name is Hubert J. Gerken, Vienna, Va. I do not want to set the world on fire. All I want to do is to kindle two little sparks in your hearts, the spark of compassion and the spark of sympathy-a spark of compassion for the parents and a spark of sympathy for the little children—the little children of India, China, all across that vast expanse of Russia, the children of Finland, Poland, Norway, Denmark, Holland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia-yes, even the little children of Germany, of France, Italy, and sunny Spain. I hear their cries ringing in my ears, asking their mothers for food; and when I hear the mothers' reply that they have not anything to give them my heart breaks, and I am sure that yours would too if you could hear those cries as I hear them. I am a Virginia farmer, and when I hear these cries ringing in my ears I want to throw aside my pail and milking stool and take my pitchfork and go after those that brought this situation about.

Some years ago there ran from Washington over at Fairfax, Va., an electric railroad. Because of competition with busses and trucks that railroad was abandoned and the rails rusted there for years. Then there came a time when a gang of laborers took up those rails, and the word was spread about that those rails were being loaded on

a ship to be sent to Japan. The thought came to me that something ought to be done to stop that movement; and as I was in Fairfax, speaking of that, there came out of the courthouse and down the steps and across the street right toward me the commonwealth attorney. I thought, here is my golden opportunity. I must speak to him about it. But I did not. I merely said, ' How do you do?” And I passed on. For China was a long ways off and I had to hurry home to hoe my garden.

Now, parts of those very rails are flying into the bodies of the boys of Fairfax County, and so I resolved that never again would I hold my silence. That is the reason why I am here.

I want to put before you the idea of an ecumenical commonwealth, This idea first came to me when I heard Mrs. Warfield speak, the wife of a missionary in Poland, upon the atrocities that were being committed in Poland. As a Virginian I could hardly control myself, for I had taken the oath of allegiance to Virginia. I wanted to rise up and shout aloud the battle cry of old Virginia, “Sic Semper Tyrannis.” Such has ever been the battle cry of Virginians down through the ages. I wanted to renew by allegiance to the grand old Commonwealth of Virginia, the home of Patrick Henry, Thomas Jefferson, George Washington, Madison, Robert E. Lee, Woodrow Wilson, and Senator Carter Glass.

These are not only times that try the souls of men but times that call for great vision and courage. These are times when the very foundations of society and nations are breaking up and reforming so that all of us are called upon to see that what is being formed is good and in accord with the best interest of all mankind.

There are certain laws that underlie civic action just as there are laws that underlie scientific and mechanical action. These may be called the laws of ecumenical commonwealth; for example, whatever destroys any material thing such as food or clothing leaves all men that much poorer, and anything that increases material things makes all mankind that much richer, Whatever affects one person affects all persons.

If we are to have a world order of lasting peace, these laws, along with moral law, must be observed. They are as fundamental as laws of gravity and electricity.

It must be realized that the ultimate unit of any such order must be the individual. The League of Nations failed because it failed to touch the individual. The Constitution of the United States and the Declaration of Independence succeeded because they touched the individual with the words, “We the people.”'

We need to try to bring about a recognition of the existence of this ecumenical commonwealth and have all nations make this recognition to the extent that they will come together to give a body of law to such a commonwealth.

When such a commonwealth is set up it shall grant citizenship to an individual upon his meeting requirements tending to establish the fact that he is a man of good will. The commonwealth would set forth the individual's rights (as is done in the Bill of Rights in the United States Constitution), assert the individual's interdependence, and define the individual's obligation as well.

Any man who claims the right to life must be willing to produce the means of life and must do nothing that thwarts another man's means of livelihood.

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