Any man who claims the right to liberty must be willing to give up his own liberty even to the extent of laying down his life to obtain liberty for others.

Any man who claims the right to pursue happiness must be willing to restrain himself so that he does nothing that blocks others in their pursuit of happiness.

In setting up such a code of law or constitution, the Constitution of the United States, the Declaration of Independence, the "Guiding principles of a just and durable peace" as set forth by the Delaware Conferences of Churches along with such State documents as relate to the structure of government and the rights of citizens of China, France, Great Britain, and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and other nations with republican form of government, should be studied and followed.

In addition to those rights set forth in the ninth guiding principle, men must have freedom of movement and of choice of their place of habitation with due respect to the rights of others.

A court must be set up which would have jurisdiction over all kinds of international disputes and have power to hold individuals as well as states or nations responsible for violation of international law, and to which any individual could appeal when his rights as set forth in the Code or Constitution were violated by any government or government agents. Such a court would be separate from the legislative body of the commonwealth and have a police force to enforce its orders. Because the citizenship that would be granted could not be bought or gotten by chance of birth, but would have to be acquired by each individual in line with the code set forth in the Charter. This is complicated, but so is a watch complicated. We have plenty of watches. It should be easy to work when we have such a good code as we have in the Constitution of the United States.

Three stages of membership in the commonwealth on a national level and three stages on the individual level should be provided as follows:

1. National prospective stage to which all nations would belong regardless of any section on their part, until they took the steps to advance to

2. National potential stage to which all nations whose government had given recognition to and had signed the code of law or constitution of the Commonwealth would belong, and the

3. National participating stage to which would belong those nations which, in addition to having given recognition and signature to the code of the commonwealth, had a majority of its adult citizens recognized by the commonwealth as potential citizens.

1. Individual prospective citizens are all members of the human race, both adults and minors.

2. Individual potential citizens are all adult members of the human race who had met the requirement of the commonwealth among which would be the ability to read in at least one language, evidence of a sound mind, and of having done at least 2 years' useful work.

3. Individual participating citizens are any who have met the conditions of potential citizenship and who also have been citizens of a nation in the national potential stage.

The code of ecumenical commonwealth should provide for the outlawing of compulsive military training as being a form of human slavery. Just as "No nation can exist half slave and half free," so

this type of slavery must be abolished in all countries if it is to be abolished in any. The world has so shrunk since the above words were spoken that the whole is now smaller than the nation for which they were uttered.

No. 8 of the guiding principles calls for the control of military establishments. The outlawing of compulsive military training would provide one of the best ways of doing this.

Therefore, the code should provide that any nation resorting to compulsive military training after the code has been given recognition shall be considered to have committed an act of war against the commonwealth.

That is strong medicine, but we need strong medicine if the cancer of war is to be controlled.

Scientific developments have so increased man's power to do evil that unless advancement is made in the application of higher moral standards in dealings both between individuals and between nations, the world still continues to face the prospect of bigger and more horrible wars. This application must be made voluntarily, because any control by force produces hatred. The greater the force the greater the hatred produced. Only in such voluntary cooperation is there hope of peace. "Peace is not a static condition. It is the condition. that prevails when men are drawn together in fellowship to overcome serious obstacles which lie in the way of a mutually desired end.” The CHAIRMAN. You have 1 minute remaining.

Mr. GERKEN. Thank you, sir.

In line with the above I do hereby petition the Senate of the United States to ratify the Charter of the United Nations with the provision that a convention shall be called within 6 months of the cessation of armed combat for the purpose of writing a bill of rights to the Charter giving recognition to the principles of ecumenical commonwealth.

Unless something of that sort is done, workingmen realize that we will only face the prospect of another war, for no matter what a man's name is, whether it be Adolf or Benito, or whatever, if anyone rises up to control individuals he will soon have the whole world going to

war.

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Mr. Gerken.

The Chair wishes to announce that all applications for appearances are closed. Those who still want to be heard may file a statement for the record.

The committee will now recess until 2:30 this afternoon.

(Whereupon, at 1:20 p. m., a recess was taken until 2:30 p. m.)

AFTER RECESS

(The committee reconvened at 2:30 p. m., upon the expiration of the recess.)

The CHAIRMAN. The committee will come to order, please.

Is Mr. Jackson here?

Mr. JACKSON. Yes, sir.

The CHAIRMAN. Would you care to use 5 minutes, Mr. Jackson? Mr. JACKSON. Five minutes?

The CHAIRMAN. Yes, sir.

Mr. JACKSON. Well, when you give one man 45 minutes, it is rather unfair.

The CHAIRMAN. All right; you do not need to appear, then, if you do not want to.

Mr. JACKSON. Oh, you do not want to hear me?

The CHAIRMAN. Well, we will hear you. Come on up here. You were offered 8 minutes yesterday, and you scorned it.

Mr. JACKSON. Well, perhaps it will be 5 minutes more than you want to hear.

STATEMENT OF ARTHUR CHARLES JACKSON, WASHINGTON, D. C.

The CHAIRMAN. Give your name and residence, and state whom you represent, please, for the record.

Mr. JACKSON. My name is Arthur Charles Jackson. After hearing so often from this Chair the pious hope that the Charter as formulated at San Francisco would be adopted without any reservation, I somewhat timidly approach this matter. I happened to be at San Francisco the same length of time that you were, Mr. Chairman, and attended most of the meetings. Prior to going, while in Florida seeking to recover from a bad trouble, I wrote to some 200 newspapers that probably more than half of the human race would be unrepresented or ignored at San Francisco; also that I was somewhat familiar with the ambitions, limitations, and frustrations of Lloyd George, Clemenceau, and Woodrow Wilson at Geneva, where I happened to be also. I said that in all probability bold, bad men would attempt the same old game, in the same old way, at San Francisco, but I hoped that in the shadow of the Golden Gate I could urge the Golden Rule of Jesus Christ as the one perfect rule of action that will bring life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness for all everywhere.

I submit as a self-evident proposition that the world was not created for exploitation by munition makers and profiteers; that 30,000,000 young men can be better employed than in killing and being killed in the mad fury and futility of modern warfare. I propose that in the future any man, President or commoner, who permits war shall be recognized as a lunatic and treated accordingly.

That was sent to many papers. I should like to have incorporated in the record the charter as proposed by Stanley Jones, a charter in such marked contrast to that which was evolved at San Francisco. Stanley Jones, as you must all admit, is one of the greatest and most beloved missionaries since St. Paul walked the earth. To economize your time, may I read this?

The CHAIRMAN. You may read it if you like.

Mr. JACKSON. Pardon me?

The CHAIRMAN. Yes; go ahead.

Mr. JACKSON. To reaffirm and proclaim that we believe in democracy as the equality of opportunity. This affirmation of our belief in equality of opportunity would apply to all areas of life-political, social, economic, and religious. We would not cancel its effectiveness by compartmentizing this equality of people to all people of all classes, all creeds, all races, and both sexes. We would not cancel its effectiveness by limiting it to certain groups.

In view of the above principles, we stand for the abolition of imperialism. We will take steps toward its earliest possible abolition in all areas of life-political, social, economic, and religious.

As we repudiate any desire on the part of others to dominate the world, so we affirm that we ourselves have no desire to dominate it. We will impose on the people of Germany, Italy, and Japan no penalties or indemnities other than those which war itself imposes. We offer them a peace now based on one condition; namely, that they get rid of their war leaders, and enter with us into a new order based on equality of opportunity for all-for so-called friend and so-called foe alike. We stand for a new world order based on the above principles. We will work with all nations of good will, whatever their particular type of government, for the establishment of this.

(The speaker paused.)

The CHAIRMAN. Go ahead. Your time is running.

Mr. JACKSON. I notice that. Time is being occupied also.

We define good will as nonaggression, which in turn would mean no desire to dominate others, politically, socially, economically, or religiously.

From San Francisco I sent this telegram to President Truman:

Japanese now know defeat is coming. You can save a million lives and great cities. Guarantee no executions upon immediate and complete disarmament. The World Peace Council wishes to aid you in this most vital achievement of the past thousand years.

This is an open letter from the president of the World Peace Council and International Longfellow Society to the Emperor Hirohito, Tokyo, Japan, believing that President Truman and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek will accept the terms suggested if the Emperor will accept for Japan, thus ending the war:

The World Peace Council wishes to save your life and millions of your people and our people, all of whom are God's children. You are urged to end the war now by immediate armistice, restoration of conquered territories, and total disarmament, that all engaged may reengage in useful and creative occupations for mutual happiness and service, in place of murder, assassination, and massacre. We seek for you and yours immunity from all vengeance from the hour you order cease firing and surrender of arms and armament for destruction for conversion into implements for creation or rehabilitation, recognizing that in the sight of God all of us have been guilty in the awful nightmare of destruction, desolation, and death that has ravaged this great and good earth, which was created for the enjoyment and happiness of all who dwell in it.

The CHAIRMAN. You have 1 minute.

Mr. JACKSON. Thanks.

"Do as you would be done by" is the Golden Rule of Jesus, Buddha, and Confucius. Every hour's delay will be tragic beyond characterization. Instead of a Mussolini or a Hitler, you may become one of the world's greatest benefactors and be so recognized for ages to come. By ending war now and seeking peace on earth and good will, Hirohito may become a hero of heroes.

The CHAIRMAN. Very well. Your time has expired. Instead of 5 minutes, we gave you 17 minutes.

Mr. JACKSON. You gave me how many?

The CHAIRMAN. We gave you 17 minutes.

Mr. JACKSON. Oh, no; it has not been 17 minutes since I began.

I have not been here that long.

The CHAIRMAN. You started at 2:34, and it is now 2:51.

Mr. JACKSON. You are a bad actor in keeping time.

The CHAIRMAN. We thank you for your graciousness to the committee.

Mr. JACKSON. I, however, would like to add just one more word. The CHAIRMAN. All right; one word.

Mr. JACKSON. After having been in San Francisco the same length of time that you were, I regard the so-called Charter of Nations, or whatever you may like to term it, as a most dismal and abysmal failure.

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much.

With the testimony of the next witness, these hearings will close. We have given everybody who applied for time and was available here an opportunity to be heard.

We will now hear Mr. John Foster Dulles.

STATEMENT OF JOHN FOSTER DULLES, NEW YORK, N. Y.

The CHAIRMAN. Senators, Mr. Dulles was one of the chief official advisers to the United States delegation at San Francisco and rendered very useful and distinguished service with respect to a great many matters covered by the Charter.

Mr. Dulles, the committee is very happy to hear you and give consideration to your views.

Mr. DULLES. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a great privilege to meet with this committee and to have the opportunity of saying the last few words before you.

We all recognize that the United States is at this moment at a parting of the ways. Either we must act to continue the association of the United Nations, or else we must let that association lapse, and go it alone. After the last war the United States decided to go it alone. Great Britain and France decided to compete with each other for power on the Continent of Europe. Italy decided to expand in the Mediterranean and to cut Great Britain's life line to India. In the Far East, Japan decided to make China her puppet and to take over the economic and financial position of Great Britain in the Far East.

Those five decisions by the Big Five of that victory created such disunity that Germany evaded the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles and regained the power to do evil.

There is a widespread impression that Germany regained power because the Treaty of Versailles was a soft treaty. That is a complete illusion. I was at Versailles, and I can testify of my own knowledge that the temper of the Allied victors at that time was stern, as it is today. The treaty imposed was at that time looked upon as the most severe treaty of modern times. It dismembered the German Empire. It reduced Germany to military impotence and gave the Allies a permanent right to prolong that impotence. For example, Germany was permanently forbidden any submarines and any military or naval air forces, and there could be no manufacture by them of any war material without the approval of the Allies. The military terms were drawn by Marshal Foch and his aides and were as drastic as the best military minds of that time could devise.

No; the reason why Germany recovered ber military might was not because the Treaty of Versailles was a soft treaty; it was because the Treaty of Versailles was not enforced. The reason why it was not enforced was that the victors fell out among themselves.

I assume we all agree that we do not want to do that again. If so, the only practical alternative is to adopt the San Francisco Charter.