four trades primarily, painting, masonry, carpentry, plastering, things of that type. That is a direct extension of trade union racism. We do not have, for example, to my knowledge any black or minority elevator construction contractors. We have very few minority ironworking contractors, very few sprinkler fitting minority contractors. That is because there has been no familiarity with these crafts by minorities.

So it applies to the other minority contractors, one of our member groups for example in California, Pransway Engineers, they have a totally integrated work force. But I think here again they try to cure the imbalance. They try to do what the plans failed to do, bring more minorities into the industry.

When I was down in Brownsville, I encouraged the MexicanAmerican contractors to do the same thing because very clearly the white construction community is only going to do so much, and it becomes inumbent upon us to do some things for ourselves, and this is a step in which I think we can do one.

Senator DOMINICK. I can understand the situation perfectly. I was just trying to get this in the context of my point of view, because I do know there are some black unions, for example, where if you are white, you cannot be a member at all.

Mr. KING. Well I guess that is a direct extension of mimicking white people, where there is a white union and you are black, you cannot be a member at all.

Senator DOMINICK. It could be.

Mr. KING. Unfortunately there is a model in the first place for somebody to draw from.

Senator DOMINICK. I think the testimony that you gave us is going to be helpful. It gives us some points which we can emphasize in discussing this with Mr. Brennan, assuming he gets confirmed. I thank

you.

Senator HUGHES. Thank you very much, Mr. King. Again I want to express on behalf of the committee the appreciation for your being here, your testimony, and your patience.

Mr. KING. Before I leave, could I ask you one question?

Senator HUGHES. Yes.

Mr. KING. Does the committee as a whole have a staff person that you would recommend to keep liaison with the minority construction community, either a staff person or a Senator's office? It is highly important that we do not leave these things hanging from confirmation to confirmation. Had you had all of our thinking 2 weeks ago, possibly this morning's session might have talked about productivity with Mr. Brennan and other things like that.

I would like the record to show that I am asking that such a liaison. between the Labor and Public Welfare Committee and our national association be established for the purposes of cross information.

Senator HUGHES. The Chair is informed from the staff director that such people exist and are there, and also a special subcommittee is also working and deals with this matter. I think it relies only on you, Mr. King, to establish contact on behalf of your association and get the right people.

Mr. KING. Who is that?

Senator HUGHES. Mr. Feder, the counsel of the Labor Subcommittee. Senator JAVITS. And after that, Mr. Mittelman, counsel for the minority. Either of those or both.

Mr. KING. Thank you very much.

Senator HUGHES. If there is no other information to come before the committee, the hearing will be recessed until 10 a.m. tomorrow. (Whereupon, at 4:25 p.m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene at 10 a.m. on Friday, January 19, 1973.)

NOMINATION

FRIDAY, JANUARY 19, 1973

U.S. SENATE,

COMMITTEE ON LABOR AND PUBLIC WELFARE,

Washington, D.C.

The committee met, pursuant to recess, at 10 a.m., Senator Claiborne Pell presiding pro tempore.

Present: Senators Pell, Hughes, Hathaway, Javits, Schweiker, Taft, and Stafford.

Committe staff members present: Stewart E. McClure, chief clerk; Robert E. Nagle, general counsel; and Eugene Mittelman, minority counsel.

Senator PELL. The Committee on Labor and Public Welfare will come to order.

This is a continuation of the hearings in connection with the nomination of Peter Brennan to be Secretary of Labor.

Our first witness is our colleague from the House, Congressman Rangel, who, I understand, is here as spokesman for the Black Caucus in the House.

Mr. RANGEL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for this opportunity to appear before you.

Senator PELL. You are welcome.

STATEMENT OF HON. CHARLES B. RANGEL, A U.S. REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK, REPRESENTING THE CONGRESSIONAL BLACK CAUCUS

Mr. RANGEL. My statement has been prepared by the Congressional Black Caucus, and I have been designated to give it to you this morning. It is clear from the list of those seeking to testify before this committee that the appointment of Peter J. Brennan as Secretary of Labor raises a great many uneasy questions in the minds of blacks, Chicanos, Puerto Ricans, and women's groups. We would all like to have our fears proved groundless, but unfortunately Mr. Brennan's record in my home city of New York does not allay those fears.

Mr. Brennan's appointment has been heralded as a plum for labor and a signal that the second Nixon administration can be expected to be more perceptive about, and sympathetic toward, the problems of the working men and women of America. But, as anyone who has studied or worked with the labor movement knows that there is laborand there is labor.

As it happens, Mr. Brennan represents the most conservative wing of the labor movement. While most of the large labor unions of this

country have been concerned about extending and expanding the membership of their unions to a greater portion of the work force, the building trades unions in the city of New York have consistently tried to limit the number of persons in their unions.

In the area of civil rights, they have a sorry record. In New York City, which has a minority population of over 30 percent, black workers constitute less than 2 percent of those in the skilled craft occupations in the building trades. This is typical of the record of the building trades all over the country and was the reason the Labor Department initiated the Philadelphia plan. Because of their opposition to the Philadelphia plan in New York City, Mr. Brennan and his supporters established their own plan in December of 1970. It was called the New York plan and was designed to train 800 minority group workers. But now, 2 years later, there are only 585 trainees and of these only 22 have been admitted into labor unions. The plan has been declared a failure by Mayor Lindsay and has been dropped by the city of New York.

Based upon his clearly established record in New York, it is clear that, as Secretary of Labor, Mr. Brennan would not be advocating anything like the administration-initiated Philadelphia plan. But, we are concerned that the goals of affirmative action programs will not be achieved without the implementation of systematic programs such as the Philadelphia plan to insure the hiring of women and minorities, and their equal treatment in hiring, promotion, and equal pay.

In view of the opposition to racial hiring quotas stated by President Nixon during the presidential campaign, we have severe trepidation about how effective Peter Brennan will be in enforcing equal employment programs under title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.

Quite aside from the proposed nominee's positions on civil rights issues, the Congressional Black Caucus is concerned about the position Mr. Brennan will be asked to take by the administration on labor and manpower issues.

This administration has taken the position that the current level of unemployment will serve as a device to control inflation. They have, in fact, been very hostile to programs aimed at helping the unemployed. The first Public Service Employment Act was vetoed by the President, and the Office of Management and Budget has identified manpower and training programs as areas subject to be cut in the Federal budget. The Congressional Black Caucus repudiates a policy that allows 4,116,000 Americans to remain unemployed as a device to curb inflation. We condemn the announced intention of the Office of Management and Budget to reduce manpower funds. As the elected representatives of black America, we are acutely aware of the fact that, while the national unemployment rate has slowly decreased to 5.2 percent as of December, black unemployment has risen to 10 percent.

We take issue with the formula that is used in reaching a 10 percent figure because it does not take into consideration the black youth, the black minorities, the unskilled. It does not take into consideration the fact that so many people have given up on even the hope of obtaining employment within the inner cities.

We cannot interpret the administration's cutbacks in public service