employment, manpower, and job training as anything but a slap in the face to black Americans.

Another bedrock labor issue is the extension of the minimum wage. The administration has been opposed to both the extension of the minimum wage to groups not covered and to any raise in the minimum wage. The Congressional Black Caucus cannot see how the extension of the minimum wage to domestic workers, who now earn a median income of $1,800, can be labeled inflationary. But that was the position of the administration last year. There are also the issues of submission wages such as that proposed to resolve our high rate of youth unemployment and the three-fourths minimum wage proposed as part of the welfare assistance program. The labor movement has consistently and emphatically opposed these.

The members of the Congressional Black Caucus join the labor movement in opposition to these administration positions on minimum wage legislation, and we know that the majority of working people in this Nation are on our side. We are concerned that Peter Brennan's unwavering support of the Nixon administration in the past will force him to support the administration on issues contrary to the best interests of the workingman.

As we said at the outset, blacks, Chicanos, Puerto Ricans, and women would like to be proven wrong and have our fears allayed about Mr. Brennan. But given his record on minority employment in the building trades unions in New York City, and the administration's hostility on basic labor issues, we urge careful scrutiny of President Nixon's nomination of Peter Brennan as Secretary of Labor.

This has been a consensus statement by the Congressional Black Caucus. Many of us have felt much stronger against the appointment of Mr. Brennan. We do believe we have reached this point in our political history that the words "labor leaders" and "Democrats" and "liberals" have been prostituted to such an extent that poor people will have to go beyond the labor leaders and search and find out whether their best interests can be protected by those who enjoy the luxury of being called "liberal."

I thank you very much for the opportunity to testify again on behalf of the Congressional Black Caucus. I would ask you to look into the record of Mr. Brennan as it relates to the building trades in the city of New York, and see whether or not this is the type of record we would like to see imposed upon the Nation.

Senator PELL. Thank you very much, Congressman Rangel.

I would make one observation. Yesterday I think Mr. Brennan said he was supporting a minimum wage; that he disagreed with the administration and would work with the committee to that end. He is not saying it will succeed because the administration succeeded in blocking it in the last Congress.

We do not yet have the transcript, I regret to say, from yesterday's hearing when Mr. Brennan was here, but we questioned him on this question of the percentage of blacks in the construction unions in New York, and he was going to supply that figure for the record.

He indicated it was a fairly high figure. He was not specific, and we do not have the answer yet.

Do you have any knowledge as to the rough percentage of blacks in the construction trades?

Mr. RANGEL. As it relates to the figures that have been issued by the mayor of the city of New York, it is less than 2 percent of the construction work force, and it is ironic that Mayor Lindsay has really made an effort to go along with the labor unions.

The creation of this New York plan was against the opposition of the poor minorities, because even with the so-called plan it only provided 800 people be trained, to be assimilated into a union.

When this is a failure, then we just question who would ever think that this administration would be more liberal than a labor leader in the area.

What bothers the Congressional Black Caucus the most is the fact that Mr. Brennan does come from labor; that poor people might believe that they are getting a fair shake.

It just seems to me that if we really knew that we had to deal with management, that we had to deal with the administration, that Mr. Nixon had made his position unequivocal, then the people would know we are getting somebody that protects them.

Unfortunately what has happened in this ethnic concept is that the construction trade unions have allowed those who had jobs to believe that the minorities were trying to take away their jobs, and it has placed one group against the other, when it seems to me that with the working programs, with the construction that is going on in New York, there would be a sufficient number of jobs for all, rather than frightening people into believing that the minorities want the jobs of those already employed.

Certainly it is not consistent with the efforts made by the administration to take people off welfare-where we do have able-bodied men in the city of New York-just to get involved with these apprentice programs. Mr. Nixon makes a great emphasis on the fact that you can empty bedpans, but what I think America is saying is: If you can earn more money, and the money is available in the building trade unions, blacks would like to become a part of this segment.

It just seems to me that the epitome of hypocrisy is when you tell a person that he is not qualified or not able to work in the elements, to work in the snow, to work hard, that if he is denied this opportunity it is certainly that he is denied the opportunity to participate in any democratic process.

Senator PELL. I appreciate your being here.

Senator Schweiker.

Senator SCHWEIKER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

I just wanted to welcome Congressman Rangel to our committee meeting. We appreciate your coming over and speaking on behalf of your colleagues from the Black Caucus.

I certainly will give your statement every consideration. I think I might just comment a minute on your interest and concern about the minimum wage. I am sure I speak for the majority of the committee, in expressing the feeling that we will pass another strong minimum wage bill, as we did in the last session. I know Senator Williams, the chairman, feels very strongly about that. I am sure it will be one of our top items.

I think the problem, however, may still come with some of your colleagues in the House, and if you can help us with some of them, maybe we will get it all the way through this time. I assure you this committee will bring out a strong minimum wage bill.

I do not know what the new makeup of the House will be with the situation on minimum wage, but hopefully we can get it through the House.

Mr. RANGEL. I really want to thank the other body for proving to Americans that there is a U.S. Congress. If I had to rely on the work that was done by the House of Representatives, then I would be prepared to support a bill to make President Nixon the emperor.

So I think the Senate has provided the leadership, and I am hopeful with the large turnover that we have had that perhaps you may be hearing from the other side of the Congress.

Senator PELL. That is why we are glad to see you here this morning. Mr. RANGEL. Thank you.

Senator PELL. Thank you very much indeed, Congressman Rangel. Senator Hathaway.

Senator HATHAWAY. First, Congressman Rangel, I want to welcome you here. Especially, being a former Member of the House myself, I am glad to see you again.

Can you tell me what you mean by the "consensus" of the Black Caucus?

Mr. RANGEL. I am saying that this was probably the weakest statement. As you know, when you get 15 Indian chiefs together, it is a little difficult for us to come up with a statement which truly demonstrates our feelings.

In order to get those against Mr. Brennan, but not to the same extent most of us were, this is the weakest possible statement that we could agree on.

Mr. HATHAWAY. In regard to the New York plan, do you know how many minority group workers made application for this training? Mr. RANGEL. I do not know the exact number, but we were foolish enough politically to go out and recruit youngsters and have them report to certain sites, and it proved a great embarrassment to us that there were no longer slots for them to be enrolled.

I personally know of a black who was working with the Office of Economic Opportunity at the time who was hired by the office of the New York plan, and he was very excited about it because his job with the Federal Government was to gain compliance, and he knew that in the construction trade industry most of the builders were saying, "We would like to hire blacks and Puerto Ricans, but we just do not have them.”

He left the Federal Government on leave in order to recruit, to make certain that he could then tell his friends that he had made in initial cap "Compliance" that, You are the blacks, you can now hire them; they are on their way to becoming journeymen, and they are on their way to carrying union cards.

After 1 year he quit in total disappointment because he recognized his office was not really making the effort that the New York plan had been heralded to make. Again I say you have to take into consideration the political implications.

When the mayor of the city of New York, who may be running again for reelection, repudiates this plan, then it just has to show that no serious effort was made to employ minorities.

Senator HATHAWAY. The goal of training 800 applicants was to be accomplished over a 2-year period?

Mr. RANGEL. Over a 2-year period, and again, Senator, this was over the objection of those organizations that have been working in the field and trying to get minorities on the work force.

We thought that 800 was a much too conservative goal for the city of New York to be supporting with Federal, State, and city funds. Again, this even failed.

Senator HATHAWAY. Did they have the funds to train the entire 800?

Mr. RANGEL. The funds were there. Mr. Brennan indicated that the city was late in putting its share in, and that as a result of this it impeded the implementation of the plan.

But his plan with 800 people-how much money could have been involved? But this is what he uses as one of the excuses as to why such a small number of minorities is involved: not that the minorities were not there, but that the city was late in producing its funds.

Senator HATHAWAY. Are you saying in effect that the 585 in the program who were not made journeymen did not advance because of discrimination? Is that what you are saying?

Mr. RANGEL. I am just saying that Mr. Brennan's union was satisfied with what they had and were not concerned in enlarging the union membership to include members of minorities.

I think it goes beyond discrimination because when you label yourself as being a part of a program, to take affirmative action to go into the cities and to get the blacks and the Puerto Ricans, then it is a little worse than saying you discriminated against them.

I think you are being hypocritical in accepting Government moneys and not producing on that particular job. Discrimination and racism, of course, are involved in the whole economic fabric.

I can understand why Italians, Polish, and Irish people would believe that there is not enough work for everybody, and even the blacks who are involved in the union feel the same way about keeping those doors closed.

This is what happens when you are poor and you manage to get a job; you are frightened to death somebody is going to take that job away from you.

But when you are the head of that union for the city and State, it seems to me that you have the obligation not to be the so-called hard hat but to look at the long-range applications, and to try to get work for your members, and to make certain that all of the people in your city and State are included in that work program.

I do not get up tight about construction trade workers that are working every day who do not want anybody in. But I do get up tight when the leadership assumes that low mentality.

Senator HATHAWAY. During the period of time when you say that only 22 minority group workers were admitted into the labor union, how many nonminority members were admitted into the labor union! Mr. RANGEL. I really do not know. I have no figures on that.

As you know, the building trades union is, as is the longshoremen union, a father-and-son operation. You come in with a friend of yours or a relative, and you manage to assimilate.

It is a club. It is not for outsiders. Again, skills are sometimes passed down from father to son, so that it does means that a person can come in better qualified than somebody who just dropped out of high school without any skill at all.

Again I say when a municipality and a State-and I have been a part of State government-really comes forward and says, "We are going to meet you half way; we are going to provide you with funds to train, we are going to include this in all of our public building moneys so that you will not lose and that the builder will not lose"-___ if that plan fails, then I think that Mr. Brennan has to answer not only to the Nation but really to the cities and States that put up those funds, to see why that plan failed.

I cannot overemphasize the fact that the most political thing for the mayor of the city of New York to have done at this time was just to ignore the New York City plan and let it go. It had to be really terrible for him at this political stage to renounce the plan and renounce Mr. Brennan's efforts in hiring minorities in the city of New York.

Senator HATHAWAY. Thank you very much.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Senator PELL. Thank you very much, Congressman Rangel.

Our next witness this morning is Mr. Charles Claytor, president of local 2947, United Brotherhood of Carpenters of New York City. Welcome to the committee.

STATEMENT OF CHARLES CLAYTOR, PRESIDENT, LOCAL 2947, UNITED BROTHERHOOD OF CARPENTERS, NEW YORK, N.Y.

Mr. CLAYTOR. Thank you, Senator.

I am Charles Claytor, president of local 2947, United Brotherhood of Carpenters, New York City.

I come here this morning to speak for Mr. Brennan, in his behalf, and to urge his confirmation as Secretary of Labor of this Nation.

Mr. Brennan has been an outstanding labor leader, and Mr. Brennan has worked very hard in the field of helping minorities, not only in the construction field but in all the fields of labor.

We have had testimony here about Mr. Brennan helping the farmworkers, helping other unions that have a large majority of minority people, and that is one of the reasons that I have come, because Mr. Brennan is not just a man interested in his own union, but Mr. Brennan is a man who is interested in labor as a whole.

We had testimony yesterday about Mr. Brennan being on the board of a program that educates minority dropouts and gets them work at the same time. This is one of the really true pictures of the man.

There is more to being a labor leader than just holding an office, and this is one of the qualities that Mr. Brennan has, that he is a man. He is a man of conviction.

He is the man who is also willing to listen. He is the man that you can talk to; if he is wrong, he is the man who is willing to change a