694. On the initiative of the Writers' Union, the Revolutionary Committee of the Intellectuals was formally re-established as Revolutionary Council of Hungarian Intellectuals on 21 November under the chairmanship of the composed Zolitán Kodály. The appeal issued by the Hungarian Writers' Union in this connexion read as follows: "The most sacred right of literature and arts which has been achieved in the Revolution is freedom and the right to tell the truth. We shall protect this right and, led by a sense of responsibility towards our people, we will avail ourselves of it and will take part in the future in press work, including the radio, only if its guiding principle is truthfulness and the service of the people. We shall submit this resolution to those organizations of the intelligentsia which signed the joint declaration of 12 November and we will call on them to join us."

695. Representatives of the Revolutionary Council of Hungarian Intellectuals held discussions with the Government about the general situation in Hungary the following day and, on 24 November, issued a new manifesto signed by 110 leading personalities in the cultural life of Hungary, who associated themselves with the "heroes who are pursuing the battle for the freedom of Hungary. We accept all the consequences that our acts or our words may bring upon us: prison, deportation and, if necessary, death." They protested against deportations, re-affirming that they did not seek a restoration of the old social order and would not tolerate a counter-revolution. In conclusion they stated: "Conscious of the truth of our ideals, we appeal to the writers, artists and scientists of the Soviet Union and of the entire world."

696. After the dissolution of this organization, the Writers' Union still carried on. On 12 December, a protest was made against the arrest of several writers and journalists, among them Gyula Obersovszky, who during the uprising had edited the newspaper Igazság. In a closed session on 28 December, the Writers" Union, by a vote of 150 to 8, condemned the Soviet intervention in Hungary as "a historic mistake”. On that occasion, it was noted that a number of writers were still in prison. The Minister of the Interior answered this appeal in the Christmas issue of Népszabadság with the declaration that: "There exist no privileges for counter-revolutionaries whose profession happens to be writing." The silence of the Hungarian writers was considered by the Government to be an act of provocation. In a speech made in Pécs, Minister of State Marosán declared that the Government would break every form of resistance by writers and journalists without the slightest hesitation; the Government had waited long and patiently in the hope that some writers might modify their opinions; the Government's patience was interpreted by some as weakness and the adminis tration would now resort to harsher measures. "All counter-revolutionary, bourgeois, nationalistic and anarchistic tendencies in Hungarian publications would be ruthlessly repressed." The writers should at long last free themselves from the "spiritual terror" of their counter-revolutionary colleagues who were now under arrest.

697. On 17 January, Minister Münnich announced the temporary suspension of the Writers' Union. On 20 January, the inaugural meeting of the Táncsics Circle took place at the former meeting place of the Petöfi Club and was addressed by Mr. Münnich. More writers were arrested and threatened with martial law penalties. In a speech, the Minister of Agriculture declared: "The majority of Hungarian writers have chosen the path of treason." Finally, on 21 April, the Hungarian radio broadcast an announcement by the Minister of the Interior disbanding the Hungarian Writers' Union on the ground that "it has been found that an active group of the Union has used the Writers' Union as a tool for attacking the social order of the Hungarian People's Republic. The Minister of the Interior has therefore disbanded the Writers' Union. Tibor Déry, a resident of Budapest, has been taken into custody by the police on a well-founded suspicion of having committed a crime against the State. (2) The Press

698. Most Hungarian newspaper men who worked for papers of the régime before the Revolution had taken an active part in its psychological preparation and had worked for the Revolutionary press. Consequently, the Kádár Government had radically to reorganize the press. In the first months of the Kádár régime, only a few newspapers were permitted to be published, and therefore most newspapermen were out of work. Those who still had Jobs were reluctant to sign their names, and their articles appeared anonymously. A number of newspapermen were arrested for articles written during the Revolution or for participating in discussions of afterwards on ways of ensuring an honest and

free press. The new official organ of the Communist Party, Népszabadság, which replaced Szabad Nép, seemed somewhat more promising and more colourful than the latter at the start, but it was not well received and its issues were said to have been systematically burned at certain points in Budapest. Népakarat continued to appear as the official organ of the National Council of Free Trade Unions.

699. Even the limited freedom granted the newspapers and newsmen in the first weeks after the Revolution did not last. Step by step, Government pressure on the press increased. On 20 December, the Government announced the creation of a state Information Office to control the press and information services." Newspapermen were assured that they would still be free to discuss so-called delicate questions, such as the role of Soviet troops in Hungary, free elections, etc., because the Government wanted to have the opinion of the press and wanted colourful papers. Discussions were even held about the possibility of establishing a Workers' Council newspaper; it was only when all arrangements for this had been settled that the State Office of Information announced that it could not be published. It was suggested that delays in issuing authorizations to start new newspapers or resume the publication of old ones were used as instruments for bringing newspapermen, in need of employment, round to the Government's point of view.

700. At the end of December, authorization was obtained for the publication of a non-political family illustrated called Erdekes Ujság; in the beginning it published interesting pictures from Budapest and even from the West, but later its main concern seemed to be the rebirth of producers' co-operatives and the enthusiasm of the miners for their work. Permission was also obtained for the publication of Esti Hirlap, a daily paper, which was instructed to publish lively information on everyday life, the theatre and interesting information about the West. On the masthead it was described as an independent political paper, and the first issues were received with great enthusiasm. Gradually the tone of the paper changed, until it became a mere copy of Népszabadság. Several of its editors and correspondents fled, and were replaced by reliable Party members.

701. By the middle of February, all semblance of independence of the press was over. Newspapermen were ordered to sign their articles and to pay heed to Minister Marosán's declaration to several correspondents that "Newspapermen should be mindful of the fact that, even while they are writing, they can be arrested". On 19 January, the Journalists' Association, which had expressed solidarity with the Writers' Union, was temporarily suspended.

(3) Youth Organizations

702. After the Revolution, the League of Hungarian University and College Students' Associations (MEFESZ), which continued to meet and to follow an independent line, was strongly attacked by the official press for its attitude during the October events. Attempts were made to neutralize the organization's independence, to intimidate the students by arresting them temporarily and to obtain control of the organization by infiltration. In spite of this, the newspaper Esti Hirlap reported on 6 January that MEFESZ had drafted a new programme in which the students endorsed the "socialist order", but were loyal to the Revolutionary ideals of the university students of 23 October; "it is imperative to create conditions for the withdrawal of the Soviet troops from our country as soon as possible; furthermore, parties resting on the ideological basis of socialism should be formed."

703. It was in order to balance the influence of the MEFESZ that the League of Communist Youth (KISZ) was established on 26 February 1957 by the Provisional Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' (Communist) Party. The resolution considered the establishment of such an organization necessary in the interest of unity, the furtherance of the education of Hungarian youth and the ensuring of new reserves for the Party. KISZ began to function on 21 March. One of its first acts was to issue an appeal attacking the League of Working Youth (DISZ), as unable to unite the different sectors of Hungarian youth. The appeal added that, before the Revolution, a rather nihilistic and cynical mood had prevailed among the university students. "We must now create a new youth organization which will utilize the experience of DISZ and other Hungarian youth organizations, but will not repeat their

This office was abolished after a few months and its duties were taken over by the

'mistakes. The main task of KISZ is to serve the cause of building a socialist society in Hungary."

704. In recent months repeated press references have been made to the importance of KISZ, an organization devoted to Communist ideals and reaching 'both the Hungarian University youth and the working youth. The April issues of Népszabadság stated that KISZ was an organization of the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the future, Hungarian youth would be led by Communist youth. Efforts must be made to establish branches of KISZ in factories and universities. Activist meetings of Communist students were held at which emphasis was placed on co-operation between MEFESC and KISZ. "The most important task of KISZ is to take a unified, disciplined and bold stand among the university students, and to organize debates." More attention should be paid to university students and the university council of KISZ should be set up. It was the duty of the young Communists to engage in lively, political activities within the MEFESZ organization. The task of KISZ was to educate true young Communists who would remain loyal to the Party and the people in all circumstances.

705. KISZ, however, seem not to have won much popularity. An article in Népszabadság at the end of March discussed the platform of the organization The author asked "What is worth more to provide the League with a clear-cut Communist programme, or with a generally worded, non-Communist platform and a name that would conceal our aims, in order to attract to our League both the politically practising and non-practising youth?" The author answered this question by recalling that, since the October events, the Communist nameplate outside the League's headquarters, instead of attracting, had repelled a large proportion of the masses of youth. In spite of that, however, he advised candour and a frank admission of Communist aims, even though this slowed down recruiting.

706. In a speech reported in the press on 29 January, Mr. Marosán stated that the universities were being exploited by counter-revolutionary elements to spread reactionary views. "Youth must be brought up in a spirit of MarxismLeninism and therefore Marxist-Leninist education will go on in universities." The University of Budapest opened its doors again in February, and the Minister of Education broadcast an appeal concerning the re-opening of all Hungarian universities. The Deputy Minister for Education, who, at the same time, was a member of the Executive Committee of the Communist Party, added another declaration to the effect that universities would be closed again at the first sign of any disturbance. Students who had caused difficulties would be dismissed immediately and those who instigated disturbances in the future would no longer be considered merely to have been led astray. He added that there had been no decision to abolish the teaching of Russian, which would continue to be compulsory in schools.

707. There is evidence that the Government is not satisfied with the attitude of the young people of Hungary. In his speech to the National Assembly of 11 May, Mr. Kádár commented on the behaviour of the youth of the country during the October events. The lesson to be drawn according to him, was that life must be pictured for the young people in all its grimness and not in idealized terms. Young people were too inclined to be idealistic, anyhow, Their faith in popular democracy and socialism was emotional and sentimental, rather than intellectual. No one told them the truth that the true socialist society did not exist and that it was only in the process of being born with much pain amidst great struggles, trials and tribulations; the result was that the youth of Hungary had suffered an overwhelming disillusionment. For the future, their elders should refrain from using superlatives, in order to ensure against a repetition of what had happened in October, when the children of the working class had gone over to the side of the counter-revolution and fascism. Mr. Kádár was not insensitive to the appeals to show patience and humanity, such as one member of Parliament had mentioned. He stressed the necessity for tempering patience with severity toward the guilty. Not all of the 170,000 62 young people who had emigrated from Hungary in the confused days after October were enemies of the people; still, in view of the great number of dead on both sides, those who were guilty must be dealt with severely "because the life of the nation is dearer to us than anything else".

According to figures released by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the total number of refugees who had left Hungary for Austria and Yugoslavia un to 30 April 1957, amounted to 193,216 (U. N. H. C. R., Reference Service, No. 1,

III. CONCLUSIONS

708. Representative government does not exist for the time being in Hungary. In the interval between 23 October and 4 November 1956, the voice of the Hungarian people was heard in organizations which appeared or reappeared in the climate of freedom which spread through the country in those ten days. Contrary to what might have been expected, the voice that spoke through these organizations was harmonious, rather than discordant. The Committee has no doubt that this was the expression of the will of the Hungarian people and that the organizations of workers, of farmers, of writers and of youth were representative of the Hungarian people.

709. After the installation of Mr. Kádár as Prime Minister, the workers, the peasants, the intellectuals, and the young people continued to speak through the organizations which had spoken for them during the Revolution. The Kádár régime was hostile to the recognition of these organizations as representative of the people. The gestures of conciliation, the discussions of enlargement of the Government, the seeming concessions to demands in various fields, appear in retrospect as a sparring for time to grow in strength and to pick off these organizations one by one. In earlier pages it has been shown how the Government cut back the scope of activity and the powers of the Workers' Councils step by step, how it provoked them by arresting their chairmen and many of their members, and how there followed a protest strike which the Government utilized to outlaw the Greater Budapest Workers' Council and all Workers' Councils above the factory level. Worker guards in the factories were disarmed. 710. The workers were co-ordinated politically in the factories themselves, when the role of their Councils was progressively reduced, while Communist Party functionaries came in to organize Party cells over workers' protests. Capital punishment has been made applicable to strike activities.

711. The same methods were used against the non-Communist political parties and their representatives. The Social Democratic Party, which had emerged again at the end of October for a few days of independence, was liquidated by the Communist Party, whose spokesman declared its existence to be a danger to the Hungarian State. The press has regressed to the pre-revolutionary level. Newspapermen have been officially reminded that the Minister of the Interior is looking over their shoulder as they write. Yet the allegiance which the Government is able to command from the intellectuals is so meagre that it has had to disband their organizations.

712. In early November, according to Mr. Kádár, there were few candidates for the portfolios in his Government. The political victories of the Kádár régime since then have not succeeded in restoring even its Communist support to the pre-revolutionary level. Despite this, the Government has put off for two years a national election and continues with a pre-revolutionary legislature. At the National Assembly which was held on 10-11 May, speaker after speaker, with hardly an exception, rose to echo the official line of the Government and brand the October events as a "counter-revolution". Each promised to follow the Government's policy in the future. The prolongation of the National Assembly mandate for two years has deprived the Hungarian people of the exercise of their political right, that of participating in the function of government through elected representatives of their own choice. Parliament has played a central role in the political history of the Hungarian people. It is significant that during the events of October 1956, the Government of Hungary was carried on from the Parliament Building. The Parliament is now being made a subordinate agency of the Government and the Communist Party.

CHAPTER XV. DEPORTATIONS

A. INTRODUCTION

713. Few aspects of the uprising have been the subject of more conflicting reports than that of the deportation of Hungarians to the USSR. The attitude of Mr. Kádár's Government in this matter has been equivocal. On 18 November, the Government issued a communiqué which was broadcast by Radio Budapest stating that false and "provocative" panic rumours were being spread by hostile counter-revolutionary elements that arrests were taking place in Hungary and that young people and others were being deported to the Soviet Union. The communiqué explained that in the interests of the working people, the authorities had been obliged to render harmless counter-revolutionaries, terrorists,

anti-social instigators, armed bandits, thieves, and other common criminals. Arrest were being made, the communiqué added, but none of those arrested had been deported from Hungary.

63

714. Other stations subject to Soviet control also broadcast statements denying the reports of deportations. Thus on 21 November, Radio Pécs called on the population not to believe the rumours of deportations. It assured the people that no one was being taken out of the country. The following day, Radio Szombathely, after mentioning that students had refused to go to school on account of the reports of deportations, asserted that such rumours had been proved untrue and that the students had nothing to fear.

715. On 19 November, at the 582nd meeting of the General Assembly, a communiqué was read aloud by a Hungarian delegate, and distributed on the same day to delegations, announcing that no deportations had taken place." On 22 November, the official newspaper Népszabadság reported a similar statement which was said to have been made by Ferenc Münnich, Minister of the Armed Forces and Public Security affairs, who added that the Hungarian Government had asked the Soviet Military Command to turn over all arrested persons to the Hungarian authorities.

716. These assurances did not prove sufficient to calm popular fears and indignation. There is evidence that delegations from Workers' Councils and Revolutionary Councils protested against the deportations both to Mr. Kádár and to the Soviet Military Command. Thus, on 15 November, Radio Budapest announced negotiations between a delegation of the Central Workers' Council of Greater Budapest and Mr. Kádár. In reply to questions by the workers, Mr. Kádár was said to have declared that "agreement had been reached with the competent Soviet authorities that no one would be taken out of the country". Similarly, a statement by the Hungarian Writers' Union read over Radio Budapest on 22 November disclosed that on 20 November a delegation of the Writers' Union had called on the Soviet Military Headquarters to discuss the question of arrests and deportations; representatives of the Hungarian police had also attended the meeting. According to the statement, the Soviet and Hungarian authorities had assured the delegation that no one had been taken out of the country or persecuted for taking part in the uprising.

717. On 3 December, Western correspondents reported that, in the course of an interview in Budapest, István Szirmai, Chief of the Hungarian Government Press Department, had admitted that "there were isolated cases in the first days of chaos after 4 November when the Russian authorities arrested and deported young people. However, when the Government was stabilized, it intervened and all persons deported were returned." However, on 4 December, the East Berlin Radio ADN announced that Mr. Szirmai had denied having told the Western correspondents that there had been cases of deportation of Hungarians to the USSR. "In stating the correct facts," the broadcast said, “Mr. Szirmai pointed out that, when he was asked by the correspondents whether there had been deportations, he had replied: "There have been no deportations from Hungary, and consequently your previous reports do not correspond to the facts'." 718. Meanwhile, leaflets issued by the resistance groups and newspaper articles published in Hungary had continued to make reference to deportations that were alleged to be going on. On 16 November, the Debrecen paper, Napló, published an article stating that public opinion had been agitated by the news that people were being carried through Debrecen in closed wagons towards Záhony, on the Russian frontier. It added that it had been announced "officially" that such occurrences would not take place in the future and that measures had been taken for the immediate return of the wagons in question. On 18 November the newspaper Szabolcs Szatmármegye Népe reported that a special commission set up by the Committee of the Socialist Workers' (Communist) Party of the County of Szabolcs to investigate deportations had established that "on 14 November at 3 p.m. a train composed of six wagons had carried Hungarian prisoners across the Hungarian frontier." The article continued that the Committee immediately contacted János Kádár and told him that no Hungarian, not even those who had participated in the uprising, should be deported from Hungary.

63 For the text of the communiqué, see A/3367. 64 A/3367.

A text of this report appeared in the following newspapers: Manchester Guardian, 4 December; The Times of London, 4 December; News Chronicle, 4 December; Daily Telegraph, 4 December; Daily Mail, 4 December; New York Times, 4 December and Le Monde,