important military factors are concerned. This Government has not in any way intimated to the Italian Government that there would be any opposition on its part to Count Sforza. Since Italy is an area of combined responsibility, we have reaffirmed to both the British and Italian

Governments that we expect the Italians to work out their problems of government along democratic lines without influence from outside. This policy would apply to an even more pronounced degree with regard to governments of the United Nations in their liberated territories.

So far as has been ascertained, the facts are as follows: The Greek organization EAM had announced their intention of holding a demonstration on Dec. 3. The Greek Government at first authorized this, but withdrew their permission when Eam called for a general strike to begin on Dec. 2. The strike, in fact, came into force early on Dec. 3.

Later in the morning the EAM demonstration formed up and moved to the principal square of Athens in spite · of the Government's ban.

On the evidence so far available I am not prepared to say who started the firing which then took place.

The police suffered one fatal casualty and had three men wounded. The latest authentic reports give the demonstrators' casualties as eleven killed and sixty wounded.

The demonstration continued during the afternoon, but there was no further shooting, and by 4:30 the crowd had dispersed and tranquility was restored.

It is deplorable that an event like this should take place in Athens scarcely a month after the city's liberation and feeding.

Greece is faced with the most desperate economic and financial problems apart from civil war, which we are trying to stop. We and our American allies are doing our utmost to give assistance and our troops are acting to prevent bloodshed.

But sometimes it is necessary to use force to prevent greater bloodshed. The main burden falls on us. The responsibility is within our Allied military sphere-that is, our military sphere agreed upon with our principal allies.

Our plans will not succeed unless the Greek Government and the whole of the Greek people exert themselves on their own behalf. If the damage of four years of war and enemy occupation is to be repaired and if Greek life and economy are to be rebuilt, their internal stability must be maintained and, pending a general election under fair conditions, the authority of the constitutional Greek Government must be accepted and enforced throughout the country.

The armed force must be dependent on the Greek Government. No Government can have a sure foundation so long as there are private armies owing allegiance to a group, party or ideology instead of to the state and the nation.

Although these facts should be clear to all, the left wing and Communist Ministers have resigned from the Greek Government at this dangerous crisis rather than implement measures to which they had already agreed for the replacement of the EAM police and guerrillas by regular national services. . . .

In addition, the EAM leaders have called a general strike which is, for the time being, preventing the food we and America are providing from reaching the mouths of the population we are trying to feed.

Our own position, as I have said, is extremely clear. Whether the Greek people form themselves into a monchy or republic is for their decision. Whether they form

a government of the right or left is for their decision. These are entirely matters for them. Until they are in a position to decide we shall not hesitate to use the considerable British army now in Greece, and being reinforced, to see that law and order are maintained.

It is our belief that in this course His Majesty's Government has the support of an overwhelming majority of the Greek people. The gaping need is to receive relief for the immediate requirements and conditions which give them a chance of earning a livelihood. In both of these ways we wish to help them, and we are working continually with experts, financial and otherwise, to assist in every possible way, but we cannot do this if the tommy guns which were provided for use against the Germans are now used in an attempt to impose by violence a Communist dictatorship without the people being able to express their wishes. . .

...

I quite agree that we take a great responsibility in intervening to preserve law and order in this capital city so lately delivered by our troops from the power of the enemy.

It would be very much easier for us to allow everything to degenerate, as it would, into anarchy or a Communist dictatorship.

But we do not feel, having taken the position we have -having entered Athens and brought food and made great efforts to restore its currency and doing our utmost to give those conditions of peace and tranquility which will enable the Greek people as a whole to vote on their future having gone so far as that, that we should look back or take our hand from the plow.

It is the Greek Government we are supporting, or perhaps acting in conjunction with would be a better expression, because General Scobie is for the moment in charge of order. We shall certainly take care that that Government is not used to fasten any rule of a faction upon the Greek people. They will have the fullest opportunity of a free election. The Government of Mr. Papandreou three days ago represented all parties, including the Communist and EAM representatives left suddenly on the eve of a quite evident attempt to overthrow settled Government.

It is a shocking thing that there should be firing by the police force on unarmed children; that is a matter we should all reprobate. We should also reprobate the massing or leading of large numbers of unarmed children to a demonstration center which had been banned by the Government in a city full of armed men liable at any moment to an explosion. . . .

The other point of substance is the question of the security battalions. That is not to be dismissed as easily as the Hon. member has done. According to information that I have most carefully sifted, the security battalions came into existence gradually in a large measure to protect Greek villages from the depredations of some of those who, under the guise of being the saviors of their country, were living upon the inhabitants and doing very little fighting against the Germans.

I was interested to note that in his statement on the Greek situation on December 5 Prime Minister Churchill told the House of Commons the following: "Our own position, as I have said, is extremely clear. Whether the Greek people form themselves into a monarchy or republic is for their decision. Whether they form a govern

The value of Sir Richard Acland's speech (Sir Richard rose just before Mr. Churchill) was that it showed how extremely complex these Greek politics are. He made a very large number of assertions, some of which were accurate and some of which, according to my information, are the reverse. . .

I address myself to the amendment as a whole.

I must point out that it does not only deal with Greece, but with other parts of Europe and with the suppression of these popular movements which have valorously assisted the defeat of the enemy in other countries besides Greece.

The House will therefore, I am sure, permit me to deal with the whole of this question of our intervention in Europe-the tone, the character, the temper, the object of our intervention where we have to intervene by dealing with other countries besides this one.

Before I come to particular countries and cases, let me present to the House the charge which is made against us. It is that we are using His Majesty's forces to disarm the friends of democracy in Greece and in other parts of Europe and to suppress these popular movements which have valorously assisted in the defeat of the enemy. Here is a pretty direct issue and one on which the House will have to pronounce before we separate this evening.

Certainly the British Government would be unworthy of confidence if His Majesty's forces were being used by them to disarm the friends of democracy in Greece and other parts of Europe.

The question, however, arises and one may be permitted to dwell on it for a moment: Who are the friends of democracy and also how is the word democracy to be interpreted?

My idea of it is that the plain, humble common manjust the ordinary man who keeps a wife and family, who goes off to fight for his country when it is in trouble and goes to the poll at the appropriate time and puts his cross on the ballot paper showing the candidate he wishes to be elected to Parliament-that is the foundation of democracy.

[Emanuel Shinwell, Laborite, interjected a reference to Spain.]

I am not at all afraid to go into that discussion, but I have a great deal of ground to cover. It is one of those great misinterpretations that I have said pleasant words about Franco. All I said was that Spanish politics did not really consist in drawing rude cartoons about it.

It is really no use for my honorable friend to screw his face up as if he was taking a nasty dose of medicine. [Shinwell: That is precisely what I and many people in the country are doing.]

Everyone can have their opinion about that, but so far as the honorable gentleman is concerned, I expect there are some other nasty gulps to follow.

...

We stand upon the foundation of fair, free elections based on universal service and suffrage. That is what we consider the foundation of democracy. I feel quite different about a swindle-democracy-a democracy which calls itself a democracy because it is left wing. It takes all sorts to make democracy, not all left wing or even Communists. . . .

The last thing that resembles democracy is mob law with bands of gangsters armed with deadly weapons forcing their way into Greek cities, seizing police stations and key points of Government, and endeavoring to introduce a totalitarian regime.

The last thing that represents democracy is mob law that attempts to introduce a totalitarian regime and clamors to shoot every one who is politically inconvenient as part of a purge of those who are very often said to be -but often have not been-collaborators with the Germans during the occupation.

Do not let us rate democracy so low as if it were merely grabbing power and shooting those who do not agree with us. That is not democracy. That is the antithesis of democracy. That is what hap

(William Gallacher, Communist: pened.)

Mr. Gallacher must not get so excited, because he is going to have much the worse of the argument and much the worse of the division. . . .

Democracy is not based on violence or terrorism but on reason, on fair play, on freedom, on respecting other people's rights as well as your own ambition. Democracy is not a harlot to be picked up in the street by a man with a tommy gun.

We have trusted the mass of the people in almost every country, but we would like to make sure that it was the people and not a gang of bandits from the mountains or countryside who thought that by violence they could overturn state authority.

That is a general description of the foundation upon which we should approach the various incidents on which I am going to dwell.

During the war, of course, we have had to arm anyone who could shoot a Hun. We accepted them as friends and tried to enable them to fulfill their healthy instincts. We are paying for it in having this debate today, which personally I have found rather enjoyable so far. We are paying for it also with our treasure and our blood. We are not paying for it with our honor or by defeat.

But when countries are liberated, it does not follow that those who have received our weapons should use them in order to engross themselves by violence and murder and bloodshed in all those powers and traditions the continuity of which many countries have highly developed....

If what is called in this amendment the action of the friends of democracy is to be interpreted as a carefully planned coup d'etat by murder gangs and by the iron rule of ruffians seeking to climb into the seats of power without a vote ever having been cast in their favor-if that is to masquerade as democracy, I think the House will be united in condemning it as a mockery.

.. War criminals, the betrayers of their countrymen, the men who sincerely wish Germany might win-these may be the object of popular disgust, of boycott and maybe in extreme cases should be brought before the courts of law and punished with death.

But I hope they will be courts of law with fair trials, not mere expressions of mob juries or political rivals. But let me try to establish this point: That these men who went up into the hills with rifles and machine guns given them by the British Government have by fee simple claimed the right to govern vast complex communities such as Belgium, Greece, or Holland-it may be next. I say I repulse that claim. They have done good service and it is for the state and not for them to judge the rewards they should receive. It is not for them to claim ownership of the state. It cannot be admitted. That is what is being fought out now.

I say we march along our onerous and painful path. Poor old England, perhaps I should say poor old Britain, we have to assume the burden and the most thankless tasks and be shot at, criticized, and abused from every quarter. But at least we know what is our aim, our object. It is that these countries shall be freed from the German armed power and that, under conditions of normal tranquility, they shall have a free universal vote to decide the Government of their country, except the fascist regime, and whether that Government shall be to the left or to the right.

That is our aim, and we are told we seek to disarm the friends of democracy. Because we do not allow gangs of heavily armed guerrillas to descend from the mountains and install themselves in the great capitals and in power and in office we are told we are traitors to democracy. I repulse that claim, too. I shall call upon the House as a matter of confidence in His Majesty's Government and confidence in the spirit with which we have marched from one peril to another until victory is in sight. I shall call upon them to reject this with the scorn that they deserve.

The amendment on the paper has particular reference to Greece, but it is a general attack on the whole policy of His Majesty's Government as supporting reactionary forces everywhere, trying to install by force dictatorial governments contrary to the wishes of the people.

I deal therefore not only with Greece. I pin myself at this moment in the first instance to other parts of Europe, because this theme is also to some extent opened up in the last sentence of an American press release with which we were confronted a few days ago.

It is not only in Greece that we appear to some eyes to be disarming the friends of democracy and those popular

movements which have assisted the defeat of the enemy. There is Italy; there is Belgium. Let me come to Belgium.

Belgium is another case of what the amendment calls the friends of democracy being disarmed in favor of the organized constitutional administration. If so, that is grave and it deserves scrutiny.

At the end of November there was to be what the Germans called a putsch organized in Belgium to throw out the Government of M. Pierlot, which Government was the only constitutional link with the past and the only link we have recognized during the war. This Government has received a vote of confidence of 132 members to only 12, with six abstentions, from the Belgian Parliament.

However, the friends of democracy, the valorous assisters in the defeat of the enemy, took a different view. They organized an attack upon the Belgian state. Α demonstration largely attended by women and children marched up to the Belgian Parliament House and lorry loads of friends of democracy came along from Mons and other places heavily armed.

Here you see the hard-worked Briton whom we are asked to censure. What did this reactionary undemocratic Government do? Its orders were sent to stop the lorries on the way and to disarm their loads. Moreover, we British placed light tanks and armored cars in the streets near the front of the Parliament House, which the Belgian gendarmerie were defending in the name of the Belgian constitutional Government.

Now here was interference in a marked form. Here was an attempt to stand between the friends of democracy and the valorous anarchic overthrow of the Belgian state. And we British stood in the way of that. I have to admit these things to you.

But on whose orders and under whose authority did we take this action? General Erskine, the British officer, made various proclamations like those General Scobie [commander in Greece] has made under the press of the situation. These proclamations had a highly salutory effect, and those concerned in the movement of the Allied force acted accordingly.

Who is General Erskine? He represents, he is directly responsible to, and derives his authority from General Eisenhower, that remarkable American supreme commander, whose wisdom and good fellowship we admire and whose orders we have promised to obey.

I have no hesitation in saying not only did we obey General Eisenhower's orders, but we thought those orders were wise and sensible.

After all, we British who are now said to be poor friends of democracy lost 35,000 to 40,000 men in opening up the great port of Antwerp. And our Navy has cleared the Schelde River. The sacrifice of these men has also to be considered as well as the friends of democracy advancing in lorries from Mons to start up a bloody revolution.

(Aneurin Bevan, Laborite, asked whether the Belgian Premier had not been unwarranted in asking for the intervention of British troops, since there was "no such threat as the Prime Minister pretends.")

I should have thought it was hardly possible to state the opposite of the truth with more precision.

I back up all those who seek to establish democracy and civilization on a basis of law and also popular untrammeled, unintimidated, free universal suffrage voting. It would be pretty hard on Europe if, after four or five years of German tyranny, she liquefied and degenerated and plunged into a series of brutal civil and social wars. If there is a democracy and its various defenders believe they express the wishes of the majority, why can't they wait until the general election-a free vote of the peo