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For the United Kingdom:

Anthony Eden, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; Lord Leathers, Minister of War Transport;

Sir A. Clark Kerr, H. M. Ambassador at Moscow; Sir Alexander Cadogan, Permanent Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs;

Sir Edward Bridges, Secretary of the War Cabinet; Field Marshal Sir Alan Brooke, Chief of the Imperial General Staff;

Marshal of the Royal Air Force Sir Charles Portal, Chief of the Air Staff;

Admiral of the Fleet Sir Andrew Cunningham, First Sea Lord;

General Sir Hastings Ismay, Chief of Staff to the Minister of Defense;

Field Marshal Alexander, Supreme Allied Commander, Mediterranean Theatre;

Field Marshal Wilson, Head of the British Joint Staff Mission at Washington;

Admiral Somerville, Joint Staff Mission at Washington, together with military and diplomatic advisors.

For the Soviet Union:

V. M. Molotov, Peoples Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.R.;

Admiral Kuznetsov, Peoples Commissar for the Navy; Army General Antonov, Deputy Chief of the General Staff of the Red Army;

A. Y. Vyshinski, Deputy Peoples Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.R.;

I. M. Maiski, Deputy Peoples Commissar of Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.R.;

Marshal of Aviation Khudyakov;

F. T. Gusev, Ambassador in Great Britain;
A. A. Gromyko, Ambassador in U.S.A.

The following statement is made by the Prime Minister of Great Britain, the President of the United States of America, and the Chairman of the Council of Peoples Commissars of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the results of the Crimean Conference:

THE DEFEAT OF GERMANY

We have considered and determined the military plans of the three Allied powers for the final defeat of the common enemy. The military staffs of the three Allied nations have met in daily meetings throughout the Conference. These meetings have been most satisfactory from every point of view and have resulted in closer coordination of the military effort of the three Allies than ever before. The fullest information has been inter-changed. The timing, scope and coordination of new and even more powerful blows to be launched by our armies and air forces into the heart of Germany from the East, West, North and South have been fully agreed and planned in detail.

Our combined military plans will be made known only as we execute them, but we believe that the very close working partnership among the three staffs attained at this Conference will result in shortening the War. Meetings of the three staffs will be continued in the future whenever the need arises.

Nazi Germany is doomed. The German people will only make the cost of their defeat heavier to themselves by attempting to continue a hopeless resistance.

OCCUPATION AND CONTROL OF GERMANY

We have agreed on common policies and plans for enforcing the unconditional surrender terms which we shall impose together on Nazi Germany after German armed resistance has been finally crushed. These terms will not be made known until the final defeat of Germany has been accomplished. Under the agreed plan, the forces of the three powers will each occupy a separate zone of Germany.

Coordinated administration and control has been provided for under the plan through a central control commission consisting of the Supreme Commanders of the three powers with headquarters in Berlin. It has been agreed that France should be invited by the three powers, if she should so desire, to take over a zone of occupation, and to participate as a fourth member of the control commission. The limits of the French zone will be agreed by the four governments concerned through their representatives on the European Advisory Commission.

It is our inflexible purpose to destroy German militarism and Nazism and to ensure that Germany will never again be able to disturb the peace of the world. We are determined to disarm and disband all German armed forces; break up for all time the German General Staff that has repeatedly contrived the resurgence of German militarism; remove or destroy all German military equipment; eliminate or control all German industry that could be used for military production; bring all war criminals to just and swift punishment and exact reparation in kind for the destruction wrought by the Germans; wipe out the Nazi Party, Nazi laws, organizations and institutions, remove all Nazi and militarist influences from public office and from the cultural and economic life of the German people; and take in harmony such other measures in Germany as may be necessary to the future peace and safety of the world. It is not our purpose to destroy the people of Germany, but only when Nazism and militarism have been extirpated will there be hope for a decent life for Germans, and a place for them in the comity of nations.

REPARATION BY GERMANY

We have considered the question of the damage caused by Germany to the Allied nations in this war and recognized it as just that Germany be obliged to make compensation for this damage in kind to the greatest extent possible. A commission for the compensation of damage will be established. The commission will be instructed to consider the question of the extent and methods for compensating damage caused by Germany to the Allied countries. The commission will work in Moscow.

UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE

We are resolved upon the earliest possible establishment with our allies of a general international organization to maintain peace and security. We believe that this is essential, both to prevent aggression and to remove the political, economic and social causes of war through the close and continuing collaboration of all peace-loving peoples.

The foundations were laid at Dumbarton Oaks. On the important question of voting procedure, however, agreement was not there reached. The present Conference has been able to resolve this difficulty.

We have agreed that a conference of United Nations should be called to meet at San Francisco in the United States on April 25, 1945, to prepare the charter of such an organization, along the lines proposed in the informal conversations at Dumbarton Oaks.

The Government of China and the Provisional Government of France will be immediately consulted and invited to sponsor invitations to the conference jointly with the Governments of the United States, Great Britain and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. As soon as the consultation with China and France has been completed, the text of the proposals on voting procedure will be made public.

DECLARATION ON LIBERATED EUROPE

The Premier of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, and the Presi

dent of the United States of America have consulted with each other in the common interests of the peoples of their countries and those of liberated Europe. They jointly declare their mutual agreement to concert during the temporary period of instability in liberated Europe the policies of their three governments in assisting the peoples liberated from the domination of Nazi Germany and the peoples of the former Axis satellite states of Europe to solve by democratic means their pressing political and economic problems.

The establishment of order in Europe and the rebuilding of national economic life must be achieved by processes which will enable the liberated peoples to destroy the last vestiges of Nazism and Fascism and to create democratic institutions of their own choice. This is a principle of the Atlantic Charter-the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live-the restoration of sovereign rights and self-government to those peoples who have been forcibly deprived of them by the aggressor nations.

To foster the conditions in which the liberated peoples may exercise these rights, the three governments will jointly assist the people in any European liberated state or former Axis satellite state in Europe where in their judgment conditions require (A) to establish conditions of internal peace; (B) to carry out emergency measures for the relief of distressed peoples; (C) to form interim governmental authorities broadly representative of all democratic elements in the population and pledged to the earliest possible establishment through free elections of governments responsive to the will of the people; and (D) to facilitate where necessary the holding of such elections. The three governments will consult the other United Nations and provisional authorities or other governments in Europe when matters of direct interest to them are under consideration.

When, in the opinion of the three governments, conditions in any European liberated state or any former Axis satellite state in Europe make such action necessary, they will immediately consult together on the measures necessary to discharge the joint responsibilities set forth in this declaration.

By this declaration we reaffirm our faith in the principles of the Atlantic Charter, our pledge in the declaration by the United Nations, and our determination to build in cooperation with other peace-loving nations world order under law, dedicated to peace, security, freedom and general well-being of all mankind.

In issuing this declaration, the three powers express the hope that the Provisional Government of the French Republic may be associated with them in the procedure suggested.

POLAND

A new situation has been created in Poland as a result of her complete liberation by the Red Army. This calls for the establishment of a Polish Provisional Government which can be more broadly based than was possible before the recent liberation of Western Poland. The Provisional Government which is now functioning in Poland should therefore be reorganized on a broader democratic basis with the inclusion of democratic leaders from Poland itself and from Poles abroad. This new government should then be called the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity.

M. Molotov, Mr. Harriman and Sir A. Clark Kerr are authorized as a commission to consult in the first instance in Moscow with members of the present Provisional Government and with other Polish democratic leaders from within Poland and from abroad, with a view to the reorganization of the present Government along the above lines. This Polish Provisional Government of National

Unity shall be pledged to the holding of free and unfettered elections as soon as possible on the basis of universal suffrage and secret ballot. In these elections all democratic and anti-Nazi parties shall have the right to take part and to put forward candidates.

When a Polish Provisional Government of National Unity has been properly formed in conformity with the above, the government of the U.S.S.R., which now maintains diplomatic relations with the present Provisional Government of Poland, and the Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the U.S.A. will establish diplomatic relations with the new Polish Provisional Government of National Unity, and will exchange ambassadors by whose reports the respective governments will be kept informed about the situation in Poland.

The three heads of government consider that the Eastern frontier of Poland should follow the Curzon Line with digressions from it in some regions of five to eight kilometers in favour of Poland. They recognized that Poland must receive substantial accessions of territory in the North and West. They feel that the opinion of the new Polish Provisional Government of National Unity should be sought in due course on the extent of these accessions and that the final delimitation of the western frontier of Poland should thereafter await the peace conference.

YUGOSLAVIA

We have agreed to recommend to Marshal Tito and Dr. Subasic that the agreement between them should be put into effect immediately, and that a new government should be formed on the basis of that agreement.

We also recommend that as soon as the new government has been formed it should declare that:

(1) The anti-Fascist assembly of National Liberation (Avnoj) should be extended to include members of the last Yugoslav Parliament (Skupschina) who have not compromised themselves by collaboration with the enemy, thus forming a body to be known as a temporary Parliament; and,

(2) Legislative acts passed by the anti-Fascist Assembly of National Liberation will be subject to subsequent ratification by a constituent assembly.

There was also a general review of other Balkan questions.

MEETINGS OF FOREIGN SECRETARIES Throughout the Conference, besides the daily meetings of the heads of governments and the Foreign Secretaries, separate meetings of the three Foreign Secretaries, and their advisors have also been held daily.

These meetings have proved of the utmost value and the Conference agreed that permanent machinery should be set up for regular consultation between the three Foreign Secretaries. They will, therefore, meet as often as may be necessary, probably about every three or four months. These meetings will be held in rotation in the three capitals, the first meeting being held in London, after the United Nations Conference on World Organization.

UNITY FOR PEACE AS FOR WAR

Our meeting here in the Crimea has reaffirmed our common determination to maintain and strengthen in the peace to come that unity of purpose and of action which has made victory possible and certain for the United Nations in this war. We believe that this is a sacred obligation which our Governments owe to our peoples and to all the peoples of the world.

Only with the continuing and growing cooperation and understanding among our three countries and among all

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tection, maintenance and repatriation of prisoners of war and civilians of the British Commonwealth, Soviet Union and United States liberated by the Allied forces now invading Germany.

Under these arrangements each Ally will provide food, clothing, medical attention and other needs for the nationals of the others until transport is available for their repatriation. In caring for British subjects and American citizens the Soviet Government will be assisted by British and American officers. Soviet officers will assist British and American authorities in their task of caring for Soviet citizens liberated by the British and American forces during such time as they are on the continent of Europe or in the United Kingdom, awaiting transport to take them home. We are pledged to give every assistance consistent with operational requirements to help to ensure that all these prisoners of war and civilians are speedily repatriated.

Address on the Crimea Conference by Senator Connally, Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations

FEBRUARY 20, 1945

The attention of the world has been centered upon the recent conference between President Roosevelt, Marshal Stalin and Prime Minister Churchill at Yalta in the Crimea. The tremendous questions with which the conference dealt challenge the interest of all enlightened peoples. The heads of three great powers whose armies in war are marching side by side in triumph against Hitlerite Germany met in harmony and unity in making plans for the further prosecution of the war and for settlements which would follow the cessation of hostilities.

It must be borne in mind that during the prosecution of the war President Roosevelt, Premier Churchill and Marshal Stalin, as chiefs of their respective governments, may make military agreements with respect to the war and with respect to all matters relating thereto in their capacities as military commanders. Agreements which they make as to postwar matters are of course not final or binding until they may be incorporated in the definitive treaty of peace to follow the war.

Among the agreements which were effectuated is one for the complete demilitarization of Germany and the rendering it impossible for Germany to again disturb the peace of the world. In pursuance of this purpose, provisions were adopted for the regulation and control of factories and facilities for the manufacture of arms or war materials. It has been generally agreed by the United Nations and their peoples that these steps would be taken as a result of the pending struggle. Therefore this particular agreement meets with the general approbation, not alone of the peoples of the three great powers represented, but of all the United Nations and the people thereof.

In order to accomplish these objectives, an agreement was reached that, upon the defeat of Germany, Allied troops would occupy her territories. This is not an unusual provision. Some similar arrangement usually follows the surrender of an enemy. For the purposes of occupation certain areas of Germany are to be administered by Russia, another area by Great Britain and another area by the United States. It is possible that France may be allowed to occupy certain territories. However, the general administration of all of the German territories shall be under the joint supervision and control of the three great powers.

Another agreement which was reached was as to vot

ing in the Council of the international organization which it is expected will emerge from the conference to be held at San Francisco on April 25. The agreement must be carried forward and incorporated in the treaty creating the international organization before it can become binding upon members of the organization. Because of lack of time, it is impossible in any detail to discuss the particular provisions relating to such voting. It is important, however, that agreement of the three great leaders was secured.

As I view it, harmony and unity between the three great powers who are bearing the burdens of this war are absolutely necessary, not alone for its successful prosecution and triumph over our enemies, but for the accomplishment of our peace objectives following the war. We have been fighting the war together. We must continue that comradeship until victory is achieved. Having fought the war together, we must now make the peace together. We must, in the same spirit of comradeship in a war to destroy aggression and tyranny, carry that comradeship forward to destroy that other aggressor and that other tyrant, the war god. Comrades in war, we shall also be comrades in peace.

Another agreement reached was the determination to extirpate Nazism and Fascism in enemy countries. These noxious doctrines inspired and instigated that terrible and bloody war. These poisonous and destructive growths must be completely uprooted and destroyed.

In the matter of liberated nations and territories, agreement was had that the great powers would aid and assist the peoples of such nations or territories in re-establishing governments and institutions according to their own wishes under open and free elections by their peoples. This war has been waged in behalf of democracy and free government. It is in conformity to that high concept that we take measures to re-establish democracy and free government in the ravished and prostrate countries which have been the victims of Nazi aggression and the destructive weapons of war.

On the whole, the agreements reached at Yalta in the Crimea have met with the enthusiastic approval of most of our people. There will be objections as to this or that detail.

In the matter of temporary arrangements with respect to boundaries, it must be borne in mind that they are not

valid until finally incorporated in a treaty of peace. Ethnographic, geographic considerations must be taken into account in dealing with such questions. History and tradition are factors of the utmost importance. In the case of Poland, it may be observed that there have been two governments in that unhappy land, the exiled government in London and the so-called Lublin government. It was agreed at Yalta that Poland should have a new government. Recognition was not to be given to either the London or the Lublin governments. A new government incorporating representatives of the various parties and groups is to be established under the supervision of the three great powers. It is further provided that free elections shall be held by the Polish people to choose their government and to establish their institutions. These are among some of the agreements achieved at Yalta.

It was also provided that the Allied nations should hold a conference at San Francisco on April the 25th with a view to perfecting the work done at Dumbarton Oaks with the purpose of establishing a permanent international organization for the preservation of the peace of the world and for the prevention of war. That conference will embody the hopes of peace-loving peoples of all the earth. They have been encouraged by what was accomplished at Dumbarton Oaks, but they shall look forward to San Francisco in the lofty expectation that from it will emerge an instrumentality that may make impossible another war such as that in which we are now staggering.

There have been in the long history of the past many plans proposed looking to the achievement of this noble objective. Prior to World War I, ex-President Taft proposed and advanced the "League to Enforce Peace." In the treaty ending World War I, the brilliant and devoted Woodrow Wilson, reaching toward a splendid conception of peace and good-will among the nations, had written the structure of a League of Nations. We now keenly realize the failure of the United States to adhere to this pact. World War II has indelibly imprinted upon our minds the ambitions and the desire that we shall exert every ounce of brain and nerve to co-operate with other peace-loving nations in the establishment of such an organization.

It cannot, it must not, wait until the end of the war. We have already begun, in the Dumbarton Oaks conferences, heroic efforts to establish such an organization. We look forward with keen anticipation to convening at the earliest possible moment all representatives of all of the United Nations, for the purpose of adopting in final form the organization based upon the Dumbarton Oaks conference, and to settle those particular features which were not finally determined in that conference. It is believed that such an organization, consisting of a permanent Council, an Assembly composed of the representatives of all United Nations, with its necessary and desirable commissions will give gigantic service to the cause of peace. It will afford a forum greater than any in which men have participated in the long roll of history. Here can be debated, through conciliation, mediation and diplomacy, the delicate and yet dangerous issues that may threaten the peace of the world.

It is planned that the peaceful agencies of the organization, such as diplomacy, mediation and conciliation, shall first be employed and exhausted before any harsh or violent measures shall be adopted by the international organization.

However, the crystallized opinion of the world has come to the realization that the mad ambitions of aggressors cannot always be curbed by peaceful measures, and that there must reside in the international organization the employment of armed forces to prevent despotic and tyrannical action in emergencies. The international organization must be endowed with power-military and

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naval power when needed to suppress international criminals and outlaws. It is not intended that military forces be employed except as a last extremity. No arbitrary authority to recklessly use military force is contemplated or permitted.

In addition, the international organization provides for a World Court to which justiciable disputes shall be submitted for judicial determ tion.

It is proposed that all peace-loving nations are eligible to membership. The security and the rights of small nations are to be recognized and respected. The support and co-operation of the small nations are to be courted and made available in building up a tremendous world opinion in behalf of peace and orderly procedure and the prevention of armed aggression against the weak and helpless peace-loving peoples.

It is my conviction that the overwhelming majority of the American people are for an international organization to preserve the peace. There will be those who object to this or that detail. I know of no piece of legislation or even any constitution which pleases every citizen in every respect. Three thousand amendments to the Constitution of the United States have been offered from time to time. The international structure will not attain perfection. It is being builded out on the frontier. It is being erected in territory where no traveller has left his footsteps. It is a great new enterprise, magnificent in its conception and mighty in its influence. The proposed treaty must be considered in its entirety on the ground of its tremendous effect upon world policy and world peace. It will be subject to amendment or modification or change in the light of experience of future years. It must grow and develop and be shaped to meet the needs of a rapidly moving world.

In this tremendous enterprise the United States must assume its obligations and duties. We cannot expect to be able to order over the world telephone world peace. It will cost effort. It will cost co-operation. It will cost sacrifice. It cannot be attained without toil and trouble and tribulation. America, with no ambition for world domain, with no thirst for spoils, with no hunger for conquered lands and the subjugation of their people, is qualified to lead in the dedication of this grand instrument for peace and co-operation and the security of the world. When we contribute to world peace, we contribute to the peace of our own country-to the life of our own people. When we contribute to the security of nations, we contribute to our own security. When we strengthen the forces of peace we are increasing our own safety, our own freedom from wasting our treasure and spilling our blood.

I desire to repeat and to stress the provisions of the work of Dumbarton Oaks in providing for peaceful processes before resort may be had to the use of armed force. It is my expectation that these provisions will be ratified and confirmed at San Francisco. They require that diplomacy, conciliation, arbitration and other peaceful measures shall be resorted to to settle international quarrels and disputes prior to the use of armed force by the international organization. We are building for peace and not for war.

Some question may arise at San Francisco with respect to the voting power in the Council of the United States representative. This is a matter, however, which I feel will be settled by the United States alone by statute of the Congress. Upon the ratification of the treaty establishing the international organization, it will be the duty of the Congress to provide by law for the appointment of our delegate or representative on the Council. In that statute, powers may be prescribed and delimited, if found necessary. In the main I may say that my own view is that our representative on the Council should have rather

wide authority. He will, of course, be a representative of the President of the United States, who will appoint him. He will in the nature of things be responsible to the sentiment in the Congress and in the country with relation to the matters with which he may deal. I cannot believe that such a representative, with constant contact with the President and constantly advised as to the sentiment of the people of the United States and the Congress, would go contrary to their wishes or to their interests.

There have been many notable charters in the long history of the earth. When the Barons gathered at Sunnymede, they probably had little conception of the tremendous concepts that were to flow from their exacting from King John the guarantees of Magna Carta. That great document has shaped and influenced not alone the history of the English-speaking peoples, but of many of the peoples of the earth. When the Constitution of the United States was adopted at Philadelphia in 1787, it was the result of the struggle of a small and weak group of colonists to achieve their own domestic difficulties. The members of that Convention were wise and educated and

patriotic men. In adopting the Constitution which solved their immediate local problems, they were writing a charter that would in the years to come profoundly affect the civilization and institutions of the entire earth. It stands out in the history of the world as a great milestone, as a magnificent monument in the field of government and statesmanship.

Today peace-loving people are turning their eyes to San Francisco and the conference to assemble there in the hope that there shall emerge from that meeting another great political document that shall give assurance to warweary peace-loving peoples of all the earth that hereafter international settlements are not to be effectuated by the sword but by logic and reason and by the processes of peace. We hope that they are to be given securitysecurity against bloody-handed aggressors-security against hungry despots who would despoil their peaceful neighbors. We are looking to San Francisco to finish the work begun in Dumbarton Oaks. We confidently expect that the work of that great conference will measure an era-a great and glowing era-in the history of the world.

Report on Crimea Conference by

Prime Minister Churchill in House of Commons

FEBRUARY 27, 1945

The recent conference in the Crimea faced realities and difficulties in so exceptional a manner that the results constitute an act of state on which Parliament should formally express its opinion.

The Government feel that they have the right to know where they stand with the House of Commons. A strong expression of support by the House will strengthen our position among the Allies. The intimate and sensitive connection between the executive Government and the House of Commons will thereby be made plain, thus showing the liveliness of our democratic institutions and the subordination of Ministers to parliamentary authority.

The House should not shrink from its duty of pronouncing. We live in a time when the quality of decision is required from all who take part in our public affairs. In this we also see the firm, tenacious character of the present Parliament and generally of our parliamentary institutions, emerging as they do fortified from storms of wars, and they will be made manifest.

We have therefore thought it right and necessary to place a positive motion on paper in support of which I should like to submit facts and arguments to the House as the opening of this three days of debate.

The difficulties of bringing about a conference of the three heads of government of the principal Allies are only too obvious. The fact that, in spite of all modern methods of communication, fourteen months elapsed between Teheran and Yalta, is a measure of those difficulties. It is well known that the British Government greatly desired a triple meeting in the autumn. We rejoiced when at last Yalta was fixed.

On the way there, the British and United States delegations met at Malta to discuss the wide range of our joint military and political affairs. The Combined Chiefs of Staff of the two countries were for three days in conference upon the great operations now developing on the western front and upon plans against Japan that it was appropriate to discuss together.

The Foreign Secretary, accompanied by high officials and assistants-some of whom unfortunately perished

on the way—also met Mr. Stettinius there. On the morning of the second, a cruiser which bore the President steamed majestically into the battle-scarred harbor.

The meeting of the combined chiefs of staffs was held in the afternoon, at which the President and I approved proposals which had been so carefully worked out in the preceding day for carrying out joint war efforts to the highest pitch and for the shaping and timing of military operations.

Meanwhile the Ministry of War Transport and American authorities concerned had been laboring on a vessel all to themselves at the problems of shipping which govern our efforts at the present time and which affect employment and the reserve of oil, food, munitions and troops.

On all of these matters complete agreement was reached -very difficult complicated matters, like making an international Bradshaw in which the times of all trains have to be varied if half a dozen unforeseen contingencies arise. No hard and fast agreements were made on any of the political issues. Those naturally were to form the subject of the triple conference and they were carefully kept open for the full meeting.

The reason why shipping is so tight at present is because the peak period of the war in Europe has been prolonged for a good many months beyond what was hoped for last autumn and meanwhile the peak period against Japan had been brought forward by American victories in the Pacific.

But instead of one peak period fading out or dovetailing into another, there is an overlap or double-peak period in two wars which we are waging together on opposite sides of the globe.

Though for a couple of years our joint losses by Uboats have ceased to be an appreciable factor in our main business and although the shipbuilding output of the United States flows on gigantically and although the Allies have today far more shipping than they ever had at any time previously during the war, we are, in fact, more hard pressed by shipping shortages than ever before in the war.

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