war. She was too far removed from Europe to be affected by European suspicions, jealousies, and hatreds, or to be exposed to the periodic nightmares of threatened invasion. On the American continent, on the other hand, she feared no evil. She and her American cousin were living on cordial terms; and, although in the course of a century numerous petty grievances and irritations had arisen, diplomatic relations had never been at the breaking point, and time had wiped out old scores. There was no Alsace-Lorraine to engender a spirit of permanent hatred. In spite of the reciprocity campaign in 1911, there was never, perhaps, a more friendly feeling on both sides of the line than there has been in recent years.

If this is true of Canada and the United States, the two countries between which we should naturally look for jealous rivalry, we Canadians can assure the Germans, so far distant from our borders, that, before the war broke out, we had only good-will toward them. Till then we had nothing but admiration for them as a great people. We knew something about their military machine, but we believed it was for defence only. As to the warnings occasionally sounded in the English press and by English public men, to the effect that Germany nourished evil designs against Great Britain, and that a clash between the two empires was inevitable, we Canadians never really believed them. We regarded these occasional alarms as a delusion, by which we refused to be haunted. We were too busy laying broad foundations for the future development of our rapidly growing country, and too friendly with all the peoples of the world to think seriously of war. As we look back, seeing things in their true perspective, we realise that it was but the blissful repose of false security and blind optimism in which Canada slumbered while the Empire was approaching the greatest crisis of its history. Only the Government leaders, who had received confidential information from the Admiralty, believed in a German peril. The masses were indifferent.

There was no real cause for anything but a friendly spirit toward the German people. Generation after generation of Canadian children have been taught to regard Germany as England's friend. We have thrown our doors wide open to German citizens and extended to

them the same privileges that we gave to our brothers from the British Isles. They enjoyed liberties among us which would not have been granted to Britishers in the Fatherland. And when the breach finally came and we were placed at the parting of the ways, we felt deep reluctance that at this stage of the world's civilisation we should be obliged to draw the sword against an old-time friend. Without the heat of passion, we faced deliberately what we believed to be our duty, the duty of all who honour right above might. We do not hate the German people, but we loathe the faction in Germany that would rule the world with blood and iron,' and has persuaded the nation to believe what they say as to the origin of the war. Ever since Canada entered the war she has had a profound conviction that there can be no peace on earth until the militarism which is the tap-root of the present war is crushed.

The week preceding the declaration of war was one of subdued and tense emotion. It gave the Canadian people the necessary breathing-spell in which to take national stock and decide what course Canada would pursue should the worst come. Throughout those days of anxious waiting the country remained stoically calm, no jingoes clamouring for war, no public demonstrations such as preceded the outbreak of hostilities in Italy. The idol of the hour was Sir Edward Grey, who made such strenuous efforts to avert the calamity. And even after Germany had declared war against Russia and France, Canadians persisted in the hope that Great Britain might not be dragged into the struggle.

In the meantime, however, the Government took preparatory steps; and public opinion became united in support of Great Britain in anticipation of war. As Parliament was not in session at the time, the outlining of the Dominion's policy fell to the Premier and his Cabinet in consultation with the Governor-General. On Aug. 2, 1914, the following message was sent to Great Britain:

'If unhappily war should ensue, the Canadian people will be united in a common resolve to put forth every effort and to make every sacrifice necessary to ensure the integrity and maintain the honor of our Empire.'

Although this message was sent by the Premier and his Cabinet in consultation with the leader of the Opposition, without the sanction of Parliament, it voiced Canadian sentiment as truly as if it had been the outcome of a national election. A 'political truce' was declared, a truce which is still maintained. All party differences were forgotten. In Canada,' said Sir Wilfrid Laurier when the truce was declared, there is but one mind.' All the problems discussed at the conferences on imperial federation and in the debates on imperial defence were laid aside. No demand was made that Canada should be given representation,' a voice in declaring war and making peace, before she could participate. By mutual consent of all parties, Canadians felt the only honourable thing to do was to give their hearty support. Thousands of Canadians, however, who are making great sacrifices for this war, are not necessarily committing themselves to support every war in which the Empire may become involved. When the war is over, there will be imperial problems to settle which no Britisher is discussing to-day. When the crisis came Canada forgot that there were any problems. One thing was needful and that at once-men at the front. That was the one problem which the Canadian Government grappled at the time and which has received the undivided attention of Canadians ever since. In the face of an Empire-crisis such as exists today any other policy would be madness. When the Empire is in safety, there will be ample time to make the adjustments which may be found necessary. What they will be, Canadians are not now discussing; and whatever may be Canada's attitude toward Empire wars in the future, for the present at least the Canadian standpoint is that which the 'Toronto Globe,' on the day before war was declared, expressed in no uncertain terms: 'When Britain is at war, Canada is at war.'

Those who visited the country during the first twelve months of the war reported their surprise at the calmness of the people, the lack of military display and the absence of obvious military activity. Yet beneath the calm surface there has been since the outset a mighty current of deep patriotic devotion to the Empire, which inspires the people to make greater and still greater sacrifices. When the first army unit of 22,000 was called

for, 100,000 volunteered. From this number the First Contingent of 33,000 was picked. Forty-four days after the declaration of war, they had been recruited, trained, equipped, and were on their way across the Atlantic. A second contingent was prepared, and then a third. In December last, approximately 200,000 men were under arms, equipped and supported by the Canadian Government. At least half of these have been in the firing line, and the rest are on their way. Recruiting is still being vigorously pushed. The total number enlisted up to date and the Government's plans for the future are of course a secret; but, when figures are available, we believe that Canada will have contributed proportionately almost as well as the United Kingdom.

Financially, Canada has nothing to gain and everything to lose by her participation in the war. Had she refused to send a man, her commercial products would have been sought as readily by the Allies as they are to-day. In fact, Canadians feel some annoyance that large war-orders, which could be executed as well in Canada, are being placed in the United States. On the other hand, in addition to a large deficit in revenue, which she meets by a special war tax, the military burden voluntarily assumed by Canada will add to her national debt more than $120,000,000 (24,000,000l.) a year as long as the war lasts (more than $15 a head per annum). The probability is that it will reach $150,000,000 a year or more. This may seem a small amount, but in a young country with a small population and the development of its railways, canals, harbours, industries, etc., just beginning, it is a serious matter. The capital required for the development of our Canadian West, for example, will not be forthcoming for years.

Canadians fully realise all this, but they are shouldering the burden without a complaint. They have been sobered by the horrors of the war and by the sacrifice of such large numbers of men. The Princess Patricia regiment was wiped out, its ranks filled and wiped out again. At Langemark, in April last, one-fifth of the First Contingent was lost in their first engagement. On May 15, the Western Ontario regiment went into action with 23 officers and 700 men. It returned with two officers and 250 men. Canada has already lost more

men than England lost in the Crimean War, and the end is not yet in sight. Yet after a year to think about the matter, with losses in money and men out of all proportion to what she had anticipated, there are no regrets that the step was taken. The London (Ont.) Advertiser,' in reply to some American papers which thought Canada ought to have remained neutral in order not to violate the Monroe Doctrine, said:

'We are under the impression that Canada's loyalty to the Empire was something so big, so obvious, that our taking part in this conflict would never be questioned. To a Canadian, to remain neutral during an Empire-crisis such as exists to-day would be a monstrous thing.'

Doubt as to the propriety of the step comes from without, not from within.

There is every indication that Canada is to-day in better fighting trim than a year ago, and that it has become a people's war. From one single issue of a recent (Aug.) St Thomas Times,' we gather a few straws which indicate the way the wind is blowing:

(1) The day has come for every man to ask himself if his business is here or in Flanders.'

(2) A message from 'Ralph Connor' (Rev. C. W. Gordon), a man known through his books in almost every home in Canada and the U.S. 'Men, and even more men! Not the men only who can be spared! Not the men without ties of love to hold their hearts! Not the men whose going is easy! No, no! But the men whose going will imperil business interests and will break hearts. These men, men of sacrifice, whose wives and mothers will wave them away with mistdimmed eyes, but with hearts that will not refuse to make complete the sacrifice.'

(3) Brantford, Aug. 3.- Every male member of St Luke's church, capable of bearing arms, is at the present time at the front or in one of the training camps on his way to the front.'

(4) Toronto, Aug. 2.-Old St Paul's Hall was Sat. night the scene of an important gathering when Church and State jointly consecrated themselves to the life-and-death struggle against savagery. . . . The Archbishop made a patriotic address, urging a prompt response to the call of King and country, and was enthusiastically cheered when he said in conclusion: "I think when Canada will have had