quibble over the words usually employed to express it. On the other hand, I did not wish simply and specifically to say that I would not be a candidate for the nomination in 1908, because if I had specified the year when I would not be a candidate, it would have been widely accepted as meaning that I intended to be a candidate some other year; and I had no such intention, and had no idea that I would ever be a candidate again. Certain newspaper men did ask me if I intended to apply my prohibition to 1912, and I answered that I was not thinking of 1912, nor of 1920, nor of 1940, and that I must decline to say anything whatever except what appeared in my statement.

The presidency is a great office, and the power of the President can be effectively used to secure a renomination, especially if the President has the support of certain great political and financial interests. It is for this reason, and this reason alone, that the wholesome principle of continuing in office, so long as he is willing to serve, an incumbent who has proved capable, is not applicable to the presidency. Therefore, the American people have wisely established a custom against allowing any man to hold that office for more than two consecutive terms. But every shred of power which a President exercises while in office vanishes absolutely when he has once left office. An ex-President stands precisely in the position of any other private citizen, and has not one particle more power to secure a nomination or election than if he had never held the office at allindeed, he probably has less because of the very fact that he has held the office. Therefore the reasoning on which the anti third-term custom is based has no application whatever to an ex-President, and no application whatever to anything except consecutive terms. As a barrier of precaution against more than two consecutive terms the custom embodies a valuable principle. Applied in any other way it becomes a mere formula, and like all formulas a potential source of mischievous confusion. Having this in mind, I regarded the custom as applying practically, if not just as much, to a President who had been seven and a half years in office as to one who had been eight years in office, and therefore, in the teeth of a practically unanimous demand from my own party that I accept another nomination, and the reasonable certainty that the nomination would be ratified at the polls. I felt that the substance of the custom applied to me in 1908. On the other hand, it had no application whatever to any human being save where it was invoked in the case of a man desiring a third consecutive term. Having given such substantial proof of my own regard for the custom, I deem it a duty to add this comment on it.

I believe that it is well to have a custom of this kind, to be generally observed, but that it would be very unwise to have it definitely hardened into a constitutional prohibition. It is not desirable ordinarily that a man should stay in office twelve consecutive years as President; but most certainly the American people are fit to take care of themselves, and stand in no need of an irrevocable selfdenying ordinance. They should not bind themselves never to take action which under some quite conceivable circumstances it might be to their great interest to take. It is obviously of the last importance to the safety of a democracy that in time of real peril it should be able to command the service of every one among its citizens in the precise position where the service rendered will be most valuable. It would be a benighted policy in such event to disqualify absolutely from the highest office a man who while holding it had actually shown the highest capacity to exercise its powers with the utmost effect for the public defense. If, for instance, a tremendous crisis occurred at the end of the second term of a man like Lincoln, as such a crisis occurred at the end of his first term, it would be a veritable calamity if the American people were forbidden to continue to use the services of the one man whom they knew, and did not merely guess, could carry them through the crisis. The third-term tradition has no value whatever except as it applies to a third consecutive term. While it is well to keep it as a custom, it would be a mark both of weakness and unwisdom for the American people to embody it into a constitutional provision which could not do them good and on some given occasion might work real harm.

Source: Roosevelt, Theodore; An Autobiography, New York, 1926, p. 378-380. [E660 .R842]

15. WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT

Statement in lecture at Columbia University 1915, afterwards published in book form

I am strongly inclined to the view that it would have been a wiser provision, as it was at one time voted in the Convention, to make the term of the President six or seven years, and render him ineligible thereafter. Such a change would give to the Executive greater courage and independence in the discharge of his duties. The absorbing and diverting interest in the reelection of the incumbent, taken by those Federal civil servants who regard their own tenure as dependent upon his, would disappear and the efficiency of administration in the last eighteen months of a term would be maintained.

Source: Taft W. H., Our Chief Magistrate and His Powers, p. 4. Columbia University Press. 1916. [JK516 .T34]

16. WOODROW WILSON

a. Letter of Governor Woodrow Wilson of New Jersey, to Hon. A. Mitchell Palmer of Pennsylvania, February 5, 1913.

It was characteristically considerate of you to ask my views with regard to the joint resolution which has just come over from the House to the Senate with regard to the presidential term.

I have not hitherto said anything about this question, because I had not observed that there was any evidence that the public was very much interested in it. I must have been mistaken in this, else the Senate would hardly have acted so promptly upon it.

It is a matter which concerns the character and conduct of the great office upon the duties of which I am about to enter. I feel therefore that in the present circumstances I should not be acting consistently with my ideals with regard to the rule of entire frankness and plain speaking that ought to exist between public servants and the public whom they serve if I did not speak out about it without reserve of any kind and without thought of the personal embarrassment.

The question is simply this: Shall our Presidents be free, so far as the law is concerned, to seek a second term of four years, or shall they be limited by constitutional amendment to a single term of four years or to a single term extended to six years?

I can approach the question from a perfectly impersonal point of view, because I shall most cheerfully abide by the judgment of my party and the public as to whether I shall be a candidate for the Presidency again in 1916. . . .

... Four years is too long a term for a President who is not the true spokesman of the People, who is imposed upon and does not lead. It is too short a term for a President who is doing, or attempting a great work of reform, and who has not had time to finish it.

To change the term to six years would be to increase the likelihood of its being too long, without any assurance that it would, in happy cases, be long enough. A fixed constitutional limitation to a single term of office is highly arbitrary and unsatisfactory from every point of view.

The argument for it rests upon temporary conditions which can easily be removed by law. Presidents, it is said, are effective for one-half of their term only because they devote their attention during the last two years of the term to building up the influences, and above all, the organization, by which they hope and purpose to secure a second nomination and election.

Put the present customary limitation of two terms into the Constitution, if you do not trust the people to take care of themselves, but make it two terms (not one, because four years is often too long), and give the President a chance to win the full service by proving himself fit for it.

As things stand now the people might more likely be cheated than served by further limitations of the President's eligibility. His fighting power in their behalf would be immensely weakened. No one will fear a President except those whom he can make fear the elections.

We singularly belie our own principles by seeking to determine by fixed constitutional provision what the people shall determine for themselves and are

perfectly competent to determine for themselves. We cast a doubt upon the whole theory of popular government.

I believe that we should fatally embarrass ourselves if we made the constitutional change proposed. If we want our Presidents to fight our battles for us, we should give them the means, the legitimate means, the means their opponents will always have. Strip them of everything else but the right to appeal to the people, but leave them that; suffer them to be leaders; absolutely prevent them from being bosses.

Source: Congressional Record, 64th Congress, 1st session, p. 12620.

17. CALVIN COOLIDGE

Extract from autobiography

The Presidential office takes a heavy toll of those who occupy it and those who are dear to them. While we should not refuse to spend and be spent in the service of our country, it is hazardous to attempt what we feel is beyond our strength to accomplish. (p. 239)

irrespective of the third-term policy, the Presidential office is of such a nature that it is difficult to conceive how one man can successfully serve the country for a term of more than eight years.

While I am in favor of continuing the long-established custom of the country in relation to a third term for a President, yet I do not think that the practice applies to one who has succeeded to part of a term as Vice-President. Others might argue that it does, but I doubt if the country would so consider it.

Although my own health has been practically perfect, yet the duties are very great and ten years would be a very heavy strain. It would be especially long for the Mistress of the White House. Mrs. Coolidge has been in more than usual good health, but I doubt if she could have stayed there for ten years without some danger of impairment of her strength. (p. 240)

It is difficult for men in high office to avoid the malady of self-delusion. They are always surrounded by worshipers. They are constantly, and for the most part. sincerely, assured of their greatness.

They live in an artificial atmosphere of adulation and exaltation which sooner or later impairs their judgment. They are in grave danger of becoming careless and arrogant.

The chances of having wise and faithful public service are increased by a change in the Presidential office after a moderate length of time.

It is necessary for the head of the nation to differ with many people who are honest in their opinions. As his term progresses, the number who are disappointed accumulates. Finally, there is so large a body who have lost confidence in him that he meets a rising opposition which makes his efforts less effective.

In the higher ranges of public service men appear to come forward to perform a certain duty. When it is performed their work is done. They usually find it impossible to readjust themselves in the thought of the people so as to pass on successfully to the solution of new public problems.

An examination of the records of those Presidents who have served eight years will disclose that in almost every instance the latter part of their term has shown very little in the way of constructive accomplishment. They have often been clouded with grave disappointments.

While I had a desire to be relieved of the pretensions and delusions of public life, it was not because of any attraction of pleasure or idleness. (p. 241-2)

The Presidential office differs from everything else. Much of it cannot be described, it can only be felt. After I had considered the reasons for my being a candidate on the one side and on the other, I could not say that any of them moved me with compelling force.

My election seemed assured. Nevertheless, I felt it was not best for the country that I should succeed myself. A new impulse is more likely to be beneficial.

It was therefore my privilege, after seeing my administration so strongly indorsed by the country, to retire voluntarily from the greatest experience that can come to mortal man. In that way, I believed I could best serve the people who have honored me and the country which I love.

(p. 246-7)

Source: Coolidge, Calvin. The Autobiography of New York, 1929, p. 239-247.

[E792 .C6]

18. FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT

a. Address at Democratic Victory Dinner, March 4, 1937

A few days ago, a distinguished Member of the Congress came to see me to talk about national problems in general and about the problem of the judiciary in particular.

I said to him:

"John, I want to tell you something that is very personal to me-something that you have a right to hear from my own lips. I have a great ambition in life." My friend pricked up his ears.

I went on: "I am by no means satisfied with having twice been elected President of the United States by very large majorities. I have an even greater ambition." By this time my friend was sitting on the edge of his chair.

I continued: "John, my ambition relates to January 20, 1941." I could feel just what horrid thoughts my friend was thinking. So, in order to relieve his anxiety, I went on to say: "My great ambition on January 20, 1941, is to turn over this desk and chair in the White House to my successor, whoever he may be, with the assurance, that I am at the same time turning over to him as President a nation intact, a nation at peace, a nation prosperous, a nation clear in its knowledge of what powers it has to serve its own citizens, a nation that is in a position to use those powers to the full in order to move forward steadily to meet the modern needs of humanity-a nation which has thus proved that the democratic form and methods of national government can and will succeed.

"In these coming years I want to provide such assurance. I want to get the Nation as far along the road of progress as I can. I do not want to leave it to my successor in the condition in which Buchanan left it to Lincoln."

Source: Congressional Record, Appendix, 75th Congress, 1st session, p. 422. b. Radio acceptance address from the White House, July 19, 1940

*

When, in 1936, I was chosen by the voters for a second time as President, it was my firm intention to turn over the responsibilities of government to other hands at the end of my term. That conviction remained with me. Eight years in the Presidency, following a period of bleak depression, and covering one world crisis after another, would normally entitle any man to the relaxation that comes from honorable retirement.

(p. 293)

When the conflict first broke out last September it was still my intention to announce clearly and simply, at an early date, that under no conditions would I accept reelection. This fact was well known to my friends, and I think was understood by many citizens.

Swiftly moving foreign events made necessary swift action at home and beyond the seas. . .

Every day that passed called for the postponement of personal plans and partisan debate until the latest possible moment. The normal conditions under which I would have made public declaration of my personel desires were wholly

gone.

And so, thinking solely of the national good and of the international scene, I came to the reluctant conclusion that such declaration should not be made before the national convention. It was accordingly made to you within an hour after the permanent organization of this Convention.

(p. 293 4)

In the face of the danger which confronts our time, no individual retains or can hope to retain, the right of personal choice, which free men enjoy in times of peace. He has a first obligation to serve in the defense of our institutions of freedom-a first obligation to serve his country in whatever capacity his country finds him useful.

Like most men of my age, I had made plans for myself, plans for a private life of my own choice and for my own satisfaction, a life of that kind to begin in January 1941. These plans, like so many other plans, had been made in a world which now seems as distant as another planet. Today all private plans, all private lives have been in a sense repealed by an overriding public danger. In the face of that public danger all those who can be of service to the Republic have no choice but to offer themselves for service in those capacities for which they may be fitted.

These, my friends, are the reasons why I have had to admit to myself, and not to state to you, that my conscience will not let me turn my back upon a call to service.

The right to make that call rests with the people through the American method of a free election. Only the people themselves can draft a President. If such a draft should be made upon me, I say to you, in the utmost simplicity, I will, with God's help, continue to serve with the best of my ability and with the fullness of my strength, (p. 296-7)

*

*

*

*

*

Source: Roosevelt, Franklin Delano. Public papers and addresses, 9 volumes. 1940 volume, New York, 1941, p. 293–7.

c. Indirectly quoted statements in signed newspaper article, November 22, 1937

The first and most concrete bit of evidence that President Roosevelt has no wish to run again (and will, therefore, be more ready to go his own way in the bad times while in office), comes from a recent exchange of letters between him and his confidential European Ambassador at Large, Norman Davis.

Some time ago, Mr. Davis, who is very close to the White House, was asked whether he thought the President wanted to continue his residence at 1600 Pennsylvana Avenue for another four years, he replied that he did not think so, but was quoted as having said positively that the President was entirely without a desire for a third term.

Discovering how his words had been distorted, he grew nervous and wrote an account of the whole matter to the President. He took the line that he had only voiced his own opinion, and in a tentative fashion, and apologized for having given rise to the misrepresentation that followed.

The President answered Mr. Davis's letter in pleasant and friendly terms, telling him that he need not be in the least upset. He not only pooh-poohed Mr. Davis's fear that he had been indiscreet in saying anything at all, but went much further.

He referred to the misquotation of Mr. Davis to the effect that a third term was definitely out of the question and, it is understood on the best authority, stated in rather positive fashion that, so far as he was concerned, the misquoters of Mr. Davis had hit the nail of his own attitude squarely on the head. In fact, the President is said to have written that he had made up his mind not to run again.

The second bit of evidence is of more recent origin. Not many weeks ago one of those eminent but non-political foreign visitors with whom the President likes to expand called at the White House. The visitor was an ardent admirer of the New Deal, a man of large and inquiring mind, and one whose great interest was in coming events. He and the President settled down in their tete-a-tete to discuss the state of nations.

As the visitor has told the story to a number of people, both men took a distinctly gloomy view. They rehearsed all the dark circumstances of international politics, with the President's usual emphasis on the future of democracy in so troubled a world. They emerged with the conclusion that some sort of international conflagration would become difficult to avoid by 1939. By 1941, they agreed, it would be still more inevitable.

The problem of the course of the United States amid such dangers suggested the question, Who was to be at the helm to guide the country through? Once