of development. This process continued throughout the Committee's active life, which lasted in most of the political fields of its work until the summer of 1943 and in the economic fields and that of special regional problems until the spring of 1944. This process of growth at all times affected not only the Advisory Committee's membership and structure but the scope and the conduct of its discussions as well. Flexibility of conception, not the rigidity of preconception, characterized every aspect of the Committee and its work. By the spring of 1943 various departmental, interdepartmental, and other mechanisms had begun to grow out of the Committee's activity. In a number of important respects the Committee's powers and functions became the foundation for various later structures through which its work was carried forward, with little interruption but much adaptation, as the periods of advanced preparation and of action arrived in the several fields of work.

Although there was great need to keep the Advisory Committee small, there was greater need to provide the range of competent judgment essential for sound results. Ultimately, specific representation of major points of view among the public and in the Government became a factor that further enlarged the Committee. "Membership" tended for these reasons to be defined strictly but to be widely diversified.

The Advisory Committee proper came to include ten nonofficial members, five Senators and three Representatives, eleven members from the Department of State of whom four were ex officio, a member each from the War and Navy Departments and from the Joint Chiefs of Staff as a unit, and one member each from four other Departments, three members from the White House staff, one from the Library of Congress, four from the wartime agencies, and one from among the continuing agencies of the Government. In addition there were other Senators and Representatives, as well as certain individuals from private and public life, who served on the subsidiary bodies of the main committee.

The members drawn from private life were chosen primarily because of their high personal qualifications for policy consideration and because of their capacity broadly to represent informed public opinion and interests. The selection of official members was based both on personal qualifications and on representation of the interested parts of the Government. Emphasis upon "representation" increasingly became a practical objective in building the Committee on effective and influential lines and was reflected in all appointments made after the initial four months of the Committee's activity.

Usually the members from private life and from the Congress were invited by letter from the Secretary of State with the approval of the President. Formal procedure was likewise followed in the case

of invitations to members having Cabinet status, who either attended themselves or, while holding direct consultations with Secretary Hull and other officials of the Committee, were represented at meetings by appointees of their own choice. Other members were invited informally, through oral invitations extended by Secretary Hull or with his approval.

The distinction between formal and informal membership was without significance in the actual character of participation. In contrast, however, there were differences in extent of participation between レ general members, who took part in various aspects of the work, and special members invited to serve in particular problem fields. General members tended to be active in the consideration of political, territorial, and security problems, whereas the special members were active chiefly, though not exclusively, with respect to economic problems.

Five of the persons named in the initial recommendation approved by the President in December 1941 were general members. Of these,\ three were wholly engaged in nonofficial activities at the time: Isaiah Bowman, President of the Johns Hopkins University, Hamilton Fish Armstrong, editor of Foreign Affairs, and Mrs. Anne O'Hare McCormick, foreign-affairs analyst of the New York Times. Two were so largely engaged in nonofficial pursuits, though having special official responsibilities, that they also were regarded as representing the public. These were Myron C. Taylor and Norman H. Davis. Mr. Taylor, industrialist and philanthropist, was Personal Representative of the President, with the rank of Ambassador, on the Intergovernmental Committee on Political Refugees and also to Pope Pius XII. Mr. Davis had been in official service for many years, especially in connection with economic and disarmament conferences, and was at the time Chairman of the American Red Cross and President of the Council on Foreign Relations. James Thomson Shotwell, historian and Director of the Division of Economics and History of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, was added in June 1942, becoming the sixth member having general and nonofficial status on the Advisory Committee. V

Of the special nonofficial members, two were invited in May 1942 to participate in the field of economic problems: Robert J. Watt, International Representative of the American Federation of Labor, and Walter P. Reuther of the Congress of Industrial Organizations. A month later Brooks Emeny, Director of the Council of Foreign Affairs of Cleveland, Ohio, was invited to take part in the same field and in that of legal problems. Early in April 1943 William Green, President of the A. F. of L., and Philip Murray, President of the C. I. O., received invitations formally to represent directly their organizations

in the economic field, taking the places held previously on a more personal basis by Mr. Watt and Mr. Reuther. Eric A. Johnston, President of the United States Chamber of Commerce, was likewise invited at the same time directly to represent his organization in the economic field. Two economists, Percy W. Bidwell of the Council on Foreign Relations and Jacob Viner of the University of Chicago, participated in the specialized consideration accorded European regional problems for some months beginning in June 1943.

The membership from the Congress reflected the desire of both Secretary Hull and President Roosevelt to have direct Congressional participation in the preparation on a basis of as nearly equal representation of the two major political parties as practicable. Nonpartisan agreement upon foreign policy and harmony of views between the Executive and the Congress were the objectives. This desire to assure a unified national view on basic foreign policy and so avoid the costly mistakes made at the close of World War I was manifest in the earliest of the invitations, May 27, 1942, and throughout all subsequent developments. Senator Tom Connally of Texas, Democrat, Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, and Senator Warren R. Austin of Vermont, Republican, the minority member of that Committee designated after consultation with Republican leaders, were the first Congressional participants.

On January 9, 1943, two Democratic Senators, Walter F. George of Georgia and Elbert D. Thomas of Utah; two Democratic Representatives, Sol Bloom of New York and Luther A. Johnson of Texas; and one Republican Representative, Charles A. Eaton of New Jersey, joined the Committee. Six weeks later, another Republican Senator, Wallace H. White of Maine, also became a member. The Senators named were currently serving on the Committee on Foreign Relations except for Senator George, who after long service as its chairman had recently left that Committee for another important assignment. The Representatives were members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Representative Bloom being its Chairman and Representative Eaton its ranking minority member. Participation was undertaken in various capacities by other Republican leaders as political changes occurred and later as international negotiations were undertaken.5

In addition to Congressional participation in the Advisory Committee and its initial subcommittees, a number of Members of the Congress later sat on the "special committees" that during 1943, as the main work of the Advisory Committee was drawing to a close,. became active in the economic and social fields. Participation in 'See pp. 136, 139.

See Parts III and IV.

these bodies did not necessarily involve membership on the Advisory Committee. Invitations were given in such instances by the various "special committee” chairmen directly. The "special committees" included the following Members from the Congress: Senators Scott W. Lucas of Illinois and Claude Pepper of Florida and Representatives Schuyler Otis Bland of Virginia with J. Hardin Peterson of Florida as alternate, and Alfred L. Bulwinkle of North Carolina, Democrats; and Representatives Richard J. Welch of California and Charles A. Wolverton of New Jersey, Republicans.

The number of Department of State officials named as members of the Advisory Committee continued throughout to be severely restricted in order that the Committee might be in fact widely representative of the country. This policy was adhered to strictly in the case of the Committee itself, the President having said, when approving the Committee, that the proposed State Department membership was a little too heavy. The policy was relaxed slightly, however, in the case of the main subcommittees. Membership accordingly was confined largely to officials of the rank of Assistant Secretary or above, with participation of other high officers limited, as a general rule, to attendance on request without membership.

A large proportion of these Departmental officials had taken part in the earlier planning effort. Those having general membership were principally those mentioned in the original letter of recommendation to the President: Secretary Hull, Under Secretary Welles, Assistant Secretaries Berle and Acheson, together with four members of ex officio standing. Mr. Pasvolsky was a member ex officio on the basis of both his responsibility as Executive Director of the Advisory Committee and his general duties as Special Assistant to the Secretary. The Legal Adviser, Mr. Hackworth, and the Adviser on International Economic Affairs, Mr. Feis, had ex officio status based on their regular duties. Assistant Secretary Acheson and Mr. Hawkins, the fourth ex officio member as Chief of the Division of Commercial Policy and Agreements, were specialized in their assignments at this time, working wholly in the economic field.

On February 6, 1942, just before the Advisory Committee convened, Assistant Secretary Breckinridge Long and John Van A. MacMurray, who was serving temporarily as Special Assistant to the Secretary, were appointed to take part in a special capacity. Soon thereafter the Chief of the Division of European Affairs, Ray Atherton, was similarly appointed because of his particular personal qualifications for work in connection with political, territorial, and security problems, though he was usually represented in the two latter fields by Cavendish Cannon of the same Division, acting in a personal capacity. In addition, the four political advisers of the Department-James Clement Dunn for Europe, Stanley K. Hornbeck for the Far East,

L

Laurence Duggan for the other American Republics, and Wallace S. Murray for the Near East-attended meetings as superior operating officials when political, territorial, and security problems pertaining to the countries and areas of concern to each, respectively, were scheduled for discussion and on such occasions served as special ex officio members. Mr. Hornbeck in August 1942 and Mr. Dunn in March 1943 began regularly to undertake subcommittee duties in connection with international security problems, as did Joseph C. Green, Special Assistant to the Secretary, in the same special ex officio capacity beginning June 10, 1943. The participation undertaken at times in various economic fields by Paul Culbertson, Assistant Chief of the Division of European Affairs, beginning October 9, 1943, and H. F. Arthur Schoenfeld, former Minister to Finland on special duty in the Department, beginning June 23, 1943, did not raise questions of membership. Three members from the White House staff took part. Benjamin V. Cohen, who had been named in the original list submitted in December 1941 and who had general duties at the White House in his capacity as Legal Counsel of the Office of War Mobilization and on the basis of his earlier work in the Government, was active in all fields. David K. Niles, administrative assistant to the President in matters concerning the War Production Board, became a member prior to the convening of the first meeting of the Advisory Committee and concentrated on economic problems. While serving personally, he spoke in a sense for Harry Hopkins in accord with the wishes of the President. Subsequently, on April 9, 1943, Lauchlin Currie, also administrative assistant to the President, became a member for work on economic problems.

Archibald MacLeish, Librarian of Congress, joined the Committee on January 2, 1943, taking part especially in the consideration of political problems.

The Secretary of the Navy and the Secretary of War were requested early in the work of the Advisory Committee to designate representatives in connection with problems of international security, and consequently Admiral Arthur J. Hepburn and Maj. Gen. George V. Strong became members at the end of April 1942. Rear Admiral Harold C. Train began regular attendance as alternate member for the Navy Department in August 1942. The Joint Chiefs of Staff as an entity was invited in March and April 1943 to be represented. Its several officers who thereafter attended comprised in fact the Joint Strategic Survey Committee, and they spoke together for the Joint Chiefs of Staff as if they were a single member of the Advisory Committee. They were Vice Admiral Russell Willson of the Navy, Lt. Gen. Stanley D. Embick of the Army, and Maj. Gen. Muir S. Fairchild of the Air Corps. Shortly thereafter a naval air representative, Capt. George H. DeBaun, was designated to serve with these officers. Senior rep